The Jalen Hurts saga hurts

The disturbing reports surrounding Philadelphia Eagles quarterback, Houston-born Jalen Hurts, raise a troubling question: How much is a Black athlete’s life worth when winning is on the line? According to reports, the Eagles knew Hurts had a blood clot after he was hospitalized until 4 a.m. before the team’s Week 5 game against Jacksonville in London. Nevertheless, he played the entire game and endured international flights before doctors discovered the clot had progressed to deep vein thrombosis and bilateral pulmonary emboli. He was placed on blood thinners and injured reserve (out for the season). Sports medicine physician Jesse Morse warned that migrating clots could cause a fatal pulmonary blockage, heart attack, or stroke. Pulmonologist Matthew Gordon acknowledged that blood clots can be catastrophic or fatal. Beyond the medical questions, this episode reflects a disturbing American tradition: Treating Black bodies as expendable commodities. From slavery to exploitative labor practices and generations of dangerous sports, Black people have repeatedly been expected to sacrifice their well-being for others’ profits. The NFL’s predominantly Black workforce is literally “fieldhands” making their wealthy “owners” wealthier, giving serious plantation vibes. What’s crazy is, Hurts could have died. And if he had, the Eagles would have simply put another Black body to work and kept it moving.

Blind by choice

Recently, a Black woman conservative social media influencer was physically removed from a Ken Paxton voter event. And as she fought back tears, after being “dog-walked” out of the building, she kept asking, “Why?” She told her followers that she has been a faithful supporter of Donald Trump and the entire Republican ticket. She said she not only voted for Trump and crew, but also organized and volunteered for them on various campaigns. Before she got to the event, she went live on social media, bubbling with excitement about supporting Paxton, which is crazy, because no one is excited about supporting Paxton. But her MAGA-fest was abruptly ended as her live-stream followers saw her suddenly teary-eyed, being led out of the event space. “And there’s no one I can talk to about this,” she asked her exit escort, dumbfounded. She then shared with her MAGA followers, “Someone just came up to me and said Ken Paxton’s campaign manager wanted me to leave… I drove two hours to get here, and I have done nothing but support everyone on the Republican side. And this is how I get treated? I cannot believe the disrespect that I was just given.” Blackfolk in the comments section couldn’t believe that soul sister couldn’t understand what was happening. But you, if she’s been willing to play blind and support one of the most anti-Black regimes in history, and organize for a party that has gone out of its way to disrespect every ounce of Black existence, then I can understand why she couldn’t see their disrespect of her Blackness. But since she’s already given her soul to anti-Blackness, you best believe she’s still voting for Paxton. In fact, she literally said so.

Mecklenburg racist police competitions

It’s old news by now that several Charlotte-Mecklenburg cops sent text messages to each other, degrading Black people with the N-word and racist jokes, celebrating their open competition to see which racist-ass officer could pull over, harass, and even inflict the most bodily harm on Black motorists. Their Klan-ish fun and games had zero to do with Black people breaking the law. It was just white cops making a sport out of terrorizing Black people, using the authority of the state and their literal license to kill to torture Black people emotionally and physically. And they used Flock cameras to help them with their fun and games. But what’s older news is the fact that these are the very actions Blackfolk have been pointing out from cops for centuries. These six cops got caught via text messages. But police in every city and state routinely take this same approach to law enforcement.

Based on reporting by Houston Defender.

Greensboro, NC — When the North Carolina Juvenile Services Association (NCJSA) first organized in 1966, juvenile rehabilitation was largely indistinguishable from adult correction. Young offenders were often held in adult facilities, supervised by adult parole officers, and met with rigid punitive measures rather than developmental care. Six decades later, hundreds of frontline practitioners, community advocates, and statewide leaders gathered at the Embassy Suites in Greensboro from October 14–16, 2026, to celebrate sixty years of groundbreaking advocacy, service, and youth empowerment under the banner: “A Legacy of Service, A Future of Hope.”

The three-day diamond anniversary conference reflected both the historic evolution of juvenile justice across North Carolina and the urgent, modern challenges we face today. From youth mental health and social media exploitation to adult court transfer laws and systemic racial disparities, this important conference created a safe space for essential conversations.

Opening the historical retrospective, longtime leaders Pamela Stokes, Eastern Area Manager for the N.C. Department of Public Safety (NCDPS) Division of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (DJJDP), and Johnny Wilson, President and CEO of Fayetteville Urban Ministry, walked attendees through the timeline of change.

Stokes detailed how juvenile justice advocates broke away from the adult probation system in 1966 to build specialized juvenile training, establish community youth homes, and eliminate the warehouse penal approach for minors. By 1997, NCJSA formally received its 501(c)(3) nonprofit status, continually expanding its network from court counselors to include clinicians, educators, and grassroots diversion specialists. “Rather than a single founding figure, the NCJSA was a group of dedicated people who collectively formed together to ask: What are we going to do to help our children?” Stokes noted, emphasizing that early pioneers recognized children needed rehabilitation, family support, and genuine guidance rather than adult incarceration.

The dialogue throughout the opening sessions remained uncompromisingly honest. Johnny Wilson challenged the room to recognize that what society often labels as “badness” in a child is frequently untreated trauma. Wilson, drawing on decades of community intervention, urged attendees to confront the blind spots in youth service, “Who is mentoring your child when the adults aren’t looking? Mentorship is repetition and consistent relationship. When one child is impacted by the justice system, the entire family is impacted. We have to be the voice for the voiceless and hope for the hopeless.”

Wilson pointed out that while nearly two-thirds of high school students report having an adult at school they can talk to, too many youth still feel unsafe at home and in their communities, leading them toward risky street influences and firearm possession as a misguided shield. He stressed that authentic diversion must bridge safety, accountability, and development before a child ever reaches a courtroom desk.

This protective sentiment was further echoed in a critical digital safety session on internet crimes against children. Law enforcement presenters highlighted the explosion of digital exploitation, online grooming, extortion, and non-consensual artificial intelligence imagery targeting minors, noting a 1,000% statewide increase in related investigations since 2019. Law enforcement and child protection experts urged workers to act swiftly in preserving evidence, report via the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children via MissingKids.org, CyberTipline, and the SBI, and remember above all else: “The child is the victim, not the offender.”

Another powerful keynote on policy and data briefing by Deputy Secretary William “Billy” Lassiter of the NCDPS Division of Juvenile Justice shared vital metrics shaping the state’s current juvenile justice landscape, alongside a recorded welcome address from Governor Josh Stein. Lassiter delivered welcome news: overall juvenile crime complaints across North Carolina experienced a significant decline over the past year—marking nearly 2,000 fewer youth entering the system. However, Lassiter and state analysts pointed to complex systemic dynamics beneath the topline numbers: There has been disproportionate minority contact. Deep racial disparities persist across North Carolina’s system. While African American youth make up approximately 21% of the state’s juvenile population, they accounted for over 21,000 of the complaints filed last year, compared to roughly 8,000 for white youth. Lassiter emphasized that disparities are most severe at the system’s entry and exit points (referrals and secure detention), urging practitioners and lawmakers to directly address these inequities with targeted community resources.

A major concern is the adult transfer burden. Following the implementation of recent statutory changes, including House Bill 834, which directs 16- and 17-year-olds facing Class A through E felonies into adult court, juvenile detention centers are increasingly filled with adult-transferred youth awaiting trial. Lassiter reported that these youths now make up 60% to 70% of daily detention beds, with an average length of stay reaching 276 days, compared to just 25 days for youth under juvenile jurisdiction. Strikingly, approximately 60% of transferred homicide/murder charges against juveniles are eventually dismissed due to accessory or bystander involvement rather than principal culpability.

As we know as a community, there are intensive mental health needs. More than 99% of youth held in Youth Development Centers (YDCs) have at least one mental health diagnosis, averaging nearly five distinct diagnoses per child. In response, NCDPS recently broke ground on a specialized, 10-bed juvenile crisis unit in partnership with New Hope Treatment Centers, set to open on November 1 to provide intensive stabilization and eliminate long, draining emergency room waits.

Finally, Lassiter highlighted North Carolina’s upcoming $451 million settlement from Meta, structured in $45 million annual distributions over nine years, intended to curb screen addiction, fund crisis lines like 988, and expand outdoor and community-based Juvenile Crime Prevention Council (JCPC) programs.

Celebration was central to the diamond anniversary and the overall mood of the conference. Despite such a serious subject matter, there was also a solid focus on fun and celebration. The association paid tribute to its founding and lifetime members, including pioneers like Jane Steinberg, Renee Walker, and Judy Juliet, whose early service paved the path for today’s statewide continuum.

NCJSA presented several prestigious awards. In a special tribute, the NCJSA Board and Fayetteville Urban Ministry surprised Johnny Wilson with lifetime honors for his steadfast leadership, faith-driven advocacy, and deep commitment to North Carolina’s children and families since joining the association in 2006.

The conference closed with a resounding call to sustain both youth and the professionals who care for them. Keynote reflections framed the transition from mere bureaucratic compliance to genuine human connection, urging attendees to practice self-care and mutual support. Using the metaphor of an airplane’s oxygen mask, speakers reminded caseworkers, court counselors, and facility staff not to leave their own oxygen masks on the floor while rushing to save others, “We cannot serve our children and families effectively if we are operating on empty. To reach year 61 and beyond, we must see each other, celebrate our small victories, heal our own spirits, and remember our ‘why.’”

As attendees stood with linked arms across the ballroom, the message of NCJSA’s 60th anniversary was unmistakable: the past six decades prove that prevention, compassion, and community-centered intervention work. For North Carolina’s youth, the next sixty years will depend on sustaining the people and programs who refuse to give up on their promise.

Based on reporting by The Carolinian.

By Special to The Post

Dr. H. Geoffrey Watson, a licensed internist, has joined renowned gastroenterologist Dr. Ralph Peterson at MacArthur GI in Oakland to address obesity, provide supervised weight-loss programs including GLP-1 therapy, and screen for and treat fatty liver disease.

The Obesity Epidemic

Obesity is associated with numerous chronic health problems, including hypertension, diabetes, heart disease, sleep apnea, asthma, depression, joint disorders, fatty liver disease, and high cholesterol. Its causes include genetics, environment, stress, medication side effects, hormonal imbalances, and other factors.

Since 1999, the prevalence of obesity in the United States has risen from 30.5% to 42.4%. Childhood obesity rates are also climbing, with approximately 19.3% of children and adolescents now affected.

Measuring Obesity: Body Mass Index

Obesity is measured using a formula called the Body Mass Index (BMI). You can calculate your own BMI on most smartphones by searching “BMI calculator” and entering your height and weight. A BMI of 25 to 29.9 is classified as overweight, and a BMI of 30 or greater is classified as obese.

Populations Disproportionately Affected

Obesity affects certain populations at higher rates. Among U.S. adults, obesity prevalence is 49.9% in Black adults, 45.6% in Hispanic adults, 41.4% in White adults, and 16.1% in Asian adults.

Treatment Options

A variety of treatments are available for obesity, including dietary counseling, exercise programs, bariatric surgery, and anti-obesity medications.

Common oral medications include:

• Adipex (phentermine): A stimulant that works by suppressing appetite.

• Contrave (bupropion/naltrexone): A combination of an antidepressant and an anti-addiction medication that helps control appetite and cravings.

• Qsymia (phentermine/topiramate): A combination of a stimulant and an anti-seizure medication that reduces appetite and cravings.

GLP-1 Receptor Agonist Therapy

Glucagon-like peptide-1 (GLP-1) receptor agonists were originally approved to treat type 2 diabetes. GLP-1 is a hormone produced naturally by the body that regulates digestion, blood sugar, and appetite by communicating with GLP-1 receptor cells throughout the digestive tract. These medications reduce cravings, appetite, and food intake by influencing the hunger hormones ghrelin, which stimulates hunger, and leptin, which signals fullness.

What We Offer

Drs. Peterson and Watson provide FDA-approved tirzepatide injections, a GLP-1 receptor agonist medication indicated for weight management. Each patient receives a comprehensive history and physical examination to ensure the safety and appropriateness of the medication as part of an overall weight-loss protocol. Dr. Peterson also offers ultrasound screening for fatty liver disease.

We look forward to helping you reach your weight-loss goals and feel your best this holiday season.

H. Geoffrey Watson, M.D., runs the MacArthur GI Clinic at 10520 MacArthur Blvd., Oakland, CA. He can be reached at (510) 562-7467.

Here’s a transformational idea: everyone should have access to safe, healthy and affordable food.

If this idea doesn’t feel radical to you, then perhaps you haven’t spent much time in the Southside of Chicago and its adjoining suburbs.

Food insecurity is rampant in our neighborhoods. If you live in Washington Heights, you are practically guaranteed to experience lower food access than the average Chicagoan – with similar circumstances in the South Shore, West Englewood or West Pullman.

It has been clearly documented that “Food is Medicine.” In fact, according to countless scientific studies, good nutrition is critical during cancer treatment. It empowers your body to maintain muscle, rebuild damaged tissues and better withstand aggressive radiation or chemotherapy. A patient with access to nutritious food will experience fewer side effects, like fatigue and nausea, and will have less need for extra medicines. In short, good food improves a patient’s daily life.

Instead, though, a Black woman with breast cancer in our South Side neighborhoods or suburbs has the opposite experience. In fact, if “food is medicine,” then we are inarguably in a crisis, and it is disproportionately affecting Black women with breast cancer.

As co-authors of the Pinkprint and members of the Chicago Better Together Breast Cancer Disparities Think Tank, an initiative launched to address the disproportionate impact of breast cancer mortality on Black women in Chicago’s South Side and South Suburbs, we know that by combining data-informed strategies with community-driven advocacy and leadership, we will create equitable, sustainable outcomes for those most affected by breast cancer and the lack of access to nutritious foods in their communities.

Solutions start as local initiatives. We must pilot community-driven solutions in areas with the highest breast cancer mortality rates and limited access to nutritious food.

Existing local programs – food pantries, community fridges and even hospital-run delivery systems – are a critical piece of this local infrastructure. They are just a component, though, of the robust nutrition infrastructure the South Side lacks. In the long-term, our neighborhoods need clean, well-stocked grocery stores – and we must demand that our elected officials do everything they can to attract and retain these food corporations to invest in our communities.

This is just one item on their to-do list. Long-term solutions will include policy changes and targeted incentives at the city, state and federal levels. Just this spring, over 150,000 people in Illinois lost SNAP benefits, a devastating cut with ripple effects across families into entire neighborhoods. These cuts disproportionately affect people in the South Side of Chicago – not to mention, overwhelm food banks and other centers that serve as part of our social safety net. The Families Receiving Emergency Support for Hunger (FRESH) program in Illinois provides a one-time, automatic $400 cash payment per eligible household member to residents who lost their SNAP food benefits. This will help ease the immediate negative effects of these cuts and is much appreciated. But it is not a long-term solution.

When we started conversations in work groups about this project, we started with the idea that Black women deserve equitable access to quality breast cancer care. Any conversation about breast cancer care and goals for improved outcomes, must include a conversation about nutrition justice.

Nutrition justice is not just a transformational ideal: it is an idea that will literally transform our neighborhoods and the quality of life of every single person living in them. It will put grocery stores in empty storefronts; it will deliver food to a breast cancer patient going through chemotherapy.

Nutrition justice will help improve breast cancer outcomes for Black women on Chicago’s South Side. And Black women should not have to wait.

This op-ed is the second in a series focusing on eliminating breast cancer mortality in Black women on Chicago’s Southside. The authors are part of the Chicago Better Together Breast Cancer Disparities Think Tank, an initiative launched to address the disproportionate impact of breast cancer mortality on Black women in Chicago’s Southside and South Suburbs. Together with other community leaders, they have co-authored the Pinkprint, a strategic multistep plan and call-to-action on this critical issue.

The post She’s Not Non-compliant, She’s Hungry: Addressing Food Justice to Improve Breast Cancer Outcomes appeared first on Chicago Defender.

Based on reporting by Chicago Defender.

By now, there’s little question that a maternal health crisis is rocking the Black community. The data tells the story: Black moms are dying during childbirth at three times the rate of white moms, a disproportionately high percentage of Black children are born prematurely, and Black infants are about twice as likely to die as white infants in states like Louisiana.

But new data from a handful of pilot projects also suggests a potential solution that could significantly improve outcomes for Black mothers and their babies: cash payments, no strings attached.

Studies show the unrestricted money led to fewer preterm births, higher newborn birth weights, and fewer critical-care infant hospitalizations. It also reduced stress among new moms who would otherwise struggle to attend prenatal check-ups, pay for food and formula, or keep a roof over their heads.

“This makes so much sense to me,” says Tamara Mason, an official with the nonprofit March of Dimes who worked on an Atlanta project distributing money to low-income pregnant women. “Why isn’t everyone doing this?”

Sen. Cory Booker, a New Jersey Democrat, is among several sponsors of legislation that would provide direct financial aid to new mothers, similar to the expanded child tax credit in 2021. The credit sent monthly payments of up to $300 per child straight to most families’ bank accounts; experts credit it with lifting millions of children out of poverty.

When it expired, child poverty rose again.

“I believe that we need to, for moms, flood resources to them through things like the child tax credit,” Booker said during an August press briefing on the Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act. “We were able to cut child poverty virtually in half for our communities, and that actually does affect child outcomes.”

Those positive outcomes in part spurred the March of Dimes to launch trial programs providing universal basic income, or UBI, to pregnant women and new moms in two cities: Atlanta, which Bloomberg ranked as the most economically unequal large city in the country, and New Orleans, which March of Dimes gave an F grade.

No strings attached

In Atlanta, the Guaranteed Basic Income Program gave each participant $1,000 a month during pregnancy and her baby’s first year. Women most likely to live in poverty in that city are Black women of reproductive age; 25 pregnant women in two of the area’s highest-need ZIP codes received the cash.

March of Dimes ran the pilot through an Atlanta collective-impact partnership known as the collaborative. It is modeled on San Francisco’s Abundant Birth Project and, organizers say, rooted in an idea the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. championed decades ago.

Funders Skeptical at First – Then All In

Mason said she spent months pitching foundations on the idea, which some considered outside her organization’s lane.

“I was honestly surprised that a couple of foundations,” Mason says. “Funders were like, ‘Why is March of Dimes in this space? You all are the birth defects people. You’re the preterm birth people.’”

The Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta signed on as the primary funder. The Liz Blake Giving Fund and the Jesse Parker Williams Foundation funded data gathering and evaluation Emory University conducted.

The nonprofit Center for Black Women’s Wellness handled recruitment, and more than 110 women applied for the 25 spots, Mason said. Applicants had to live in one of the two ZIP codes, earn no more than 200 percent of the federal poverty level, and be 12 to 28 weeks pregnant.

Cash, Diapers and a Network

Stipends were paid through a prepaid card, letting evaluators track spending without restricting it. Helping Mamas, a nonprofit focused on diaper insecurity, supplied 300 diapers and eight packs of wipes a month, plus a car seat and other essentials. The Georgia Black Doula Network encouraged, but didn’t require, participants to hire doulas.

Early results from Emory’s evaluation, as described by Mason, show a 20 percent decrease in financial stress and a 66 percent decrease in hopelessness, a figure she called striking. Prenatal outcomes trended better than average.

Mason was careful not to oversell what $1,000 a month can fix. Several participants lost housing; one or two dealt with domestic violence.

Even though GBI reduced financial stress, “it still is one piece of the puzzle,” Mason said.

New Orleans: Overcoming Crisis

March of Dimes runs a similar program in New Orleans, GBI Rx, offering pregnant patients in their first or second trimester $12,000, as a lump sum or $1,000 a month. Two partner medical clinics enroll patients for healthcare, and the payment card blocks cash withdrawals and spending on liquor and gambling.

In Louisiana, “we have a maternal and infant health crisis – specifically, a Black maternal and infant health crisis,” said Robin Gruenfeld, director of collective impact for March of Dimes in New Orleans. ”And it’s been that way for a long time.”

Black infants there died at about twice the rate of white infants from 2021 to 2023. Gruenfeld said Orleans Parish has the state’s lowest prenatal care utilization rate.

Gruenfeld said the program’s city seed money, federal pandemic relief funds, and foundation funding were “zeroed out” without notice. Most funds were later restored at a lower level, forcing organizers to scale down to 94 participants instead of the 100 planned. They also enrolled on a first-come, first-served basis.

Recipients spent lump sums on housing, cars and insurance. But spending priorities for the participants changed when the federal government stopped paying out SNAP food benefits during last fall’s federal shutdown.

“During that time, more than a quarter of the funds that we gave folks was going to groceries,” Gruenfeld said.

Several New Orleans city government officials are now weighing a program modeled on Michigan’s Rx Kids, which a study credits with nearly halving neonatal deaths in Flint, one of the poorest cities in the state.

“We are seeing policies pushed by the political will of predominantly Black women come into effect, and then also the backlash,” says Danielle Atkinson of Mothering Justice Action Fund, a nonprofit advocacy organization. “In Michigan, we have Rx Kids, which is extremely popular [and] the data on the impact is undeniable.”

But recent changes are endangering the success of such programs, particularly amid President Donald Trump’s hostility towards programs focused on diversity, equity and inclusion.

“We’re getting this pushback around identifying race and parental status as systemic areas of oppression,” Atkinson says. It remains to be seen, she says, “whether or not we are going to be able to prevail with the political power and the popular will of these issues, or the rhetoric and the history of racism in our country.”

Washington Looks Elsewhere

That includes the Republican-controlled Congress, which has shown little appetite for cash aid tied to pregnancy.

The Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act, which Booker reintroduced along with Democratic Reps. Lauren Underwood of Illinois and Alma Adams of North Carolina, bundles 14 bills on housing, nutrition, WIC and the perinatal workforce, but not direct cash.

Still, signs suggest the issue – providing cash aid to low-income mothers and their babies – may stay on the front burner as the midterm elections approach in November.

This month, former Vice President Kamala Harris and Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed, both Democrats, hosted a Black maternal health roundtable in Detroit. Danielle Atkinson of Mothering Justice took part.

“Black mamas deserve access to quality healthcare that sees us, listens to us, and understands us at every step of the way,” Atkinson said afterward. “The responsibilities we carry do not end at pregnancy, nor do they disappear when we give birth and want to spend time with our newborn. They stay with us throughout all that we experience.”

Based on reporting by Louisiana Weekly.