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Senators Urge Trump Administration to Halt Deportation of Mauritanians
NNPA NEWSWIRE — Between 1989 and 1991, tensions between Arab-Berbers and black ethnic groups in Mauritania resulted in the government-led displacement, expulsion, and denationalization of over 70,000 black Mauritanians. According to Human Rights Watch, these injustices were also accompanied by a litany of other abuses, including extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, torture, rape, property theft, and destruction of legal documents.
WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris (D-CA) and Representatives Bennie G. Thompson (D-MS), Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), and Joyce Beatty (D-OH) led a group of lawmakers in a bicameral letter calling on Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to cease the deportation of Black Mauritanian nationals, who face the threat of race-based discrimination, violence, or slavery if forced to return to Mauritania.
“Most Mauritanians in the United States arrived here seeking refuge from government-led racial and ethnic persecution and extreme violence,” wrote the lawmakers. “For the following two decades our government declined to deport Mauritanians because of the dangerous and potentially life-threatening conditions they would face if they were returned to their country of origin.”
There are approximately 3,000 Black Mauritanians in the United States, most of whom arrived in the 1990s after their government forcibly expelled them and stripped them of their citizenship on the basis of their race and ethnicity. So far in fiscal year 2018, the Trump administration has deported 79 Mauritanians, up from eight in FY 2017.
The lawmakers continued, “Mauritanians deported from the United States face unacceptable threats of racial and ethnic discrimination and slavery…We ask DHS and the State Department to jointly respond within 60 days to the following questions to clarify U.S. policies and practices regarding deportations of Mauritanians.”
In addition to Senator Harris and Representatives Thompson, Nadler, Lofgren, and Beatty, the letter was signed by Senators Patrick Leahy (D-VT), Dick Durbin (D-IL), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), Ron Wyden (D-OR), Tammy Duckworth (D-IL), Sherrod Brown (D-OH), Cory Booker (D-NJ), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), and Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and Representatives Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC), Pramila Jayapal (D-WA), Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-NJ), Jim McGovern (D-MA), Alcee Hastings (D-FL), Debbie Dingell (D-MI), Yvette Clarke (D-NY), Jan Schakowsky (D-IL), Raúl Grijalva (D-AZ), John Lewis (D-GA), Colleen Hanabusa (D-HI), Adriano Espaillat (D-NY), Elijah Cummings (D-MD), Al Green (D-TX), Linda Sanchez (D-CA), Lloyd Doggett (D-TX), Nydia Velázquez (D-NY), Judy Chu (D-CA), Barbara Lee (D-CA), Albio Sires (D-NJ), Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY), Keith Ellison (D-MN), and David Cicilline (D-RI).
PDF of the letter is available here and below.
October 12, 2018
[one_half]The Honorable Kirstjen Nielsen
Secretary
U.S. Department of Homeland Security
Washington, D.C. 20528[/one_half][one_half_last]The Honorable Mike Pompeo
Secretary
U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.Cl 20518
[/one_half_last]Dear Secretary Nielsen and Secretary Pompeo,
We write to urge the immediate cessation of deportations of Mauritanian nationals to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. Under the Trump Administration, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has abruptly abandoned its 20-year long practice of simply monitoring most Mauritanians eligible for removal and begun actively deporting them. Most of the approximately 3,000 black Mauritanians in the United States have been here since the late 1990s, arriving after being violently expelled and stripped of citizenship by their government because of their race and ethnicity. It is unconscionable for the United States to deport these individuals back to Mauritania, where they will likely be denied basic human rights and possibly persecuted and enslaved.
Most Mauritanians in the United States arrived here seeking refuge from government-led racial and ethnic persecution and extreme violence. Between 1989 and 1991, tensions between Arab-Berbers and black ethnic groups in Mauritania resulted in the government-led displacement, expulsion, and denationalization of over 70,000 black Mauritanians. According to Human Rights Watch, these injustices were also accompanied by a litany of other abuses, including extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, torture, rape, property theft, and destruction of legal documents. Upon their arrival in the United States, many Mauritanians unfortunately failed to make successful asylum claims and became removable; some were apparently exploited by predatory immigration consultants who submitted shoddy or fraudulent materials to the U.S. government on their behalf. Nonetheless, for the following two decades our government declined to deport Mauritanians because of the dangerous and potentially life-threatening conditions they would face if they were returned to their country of origin. Those who lacked lawful status were simply required to periodically check-in with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
Following President Trump’s January 25, 2017 Executive Order “Enhancing Public Safety in the Interior of the United States,” which suspended the issuance of visas to nationals from countries ICE identified as being “recalcitrant” to cooperate with U.S. repatriation efforts, the Mauritanian government began to issue travel documents (laissez-passer) to facilitate U.S. deportations. This shift fueled a significant escalation in Mauritanian deportations. While DHS deported just four Mauritanians in fiscal year 2015, ten in fiscal year 2016, and eight in fiscal year 2017—in contrast, seventy-nine Mauritanians have been deported in fiscal year 2018 thus far.
Mauritanians deported from the United States face unacceptable threats of racial and ethnic discrimination and slavery. The slavery of individuals of black race and ethnicity remains rife in Mauritania, where the government only first abolished slavery in 1981, and only first criminalized it in 2007. The Central Intelligence Agency estimates that 20 percent of the Mauritanian population is enslaved, the highest rate worldwide. The International Labour Organization has “expressed deep concern over the persistence of slavery on a widespread scale” in Mauritania. The United Nations has noted that a “lack of access to basic services and alternative livelihoods for former black African and Haratine slaves serves to propagate the belief that former slaves are still inferior and will always be slaves.” The State Department has issued a level three (out of four) travel advisory for Mauritania, a designation reserved for countries whose governments do not fully meet the minimum standards for elimination of trafficking in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act and are not making significant efforts to do so.
Political conditions in Mauritania also unacceptably threaten deportees’ civil liberties and safety. Since current Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz overthrew a democratically-elected president in 2008, Mauritanian authorities have denied the existence of slavery and begun aggressively cracking down on anti-slavery activists. They have prohibited their peaceful gatherings, broken up their protests with excessive force, and surveilled them. Human rights advocates have documented over 168 arbitrary arrests of activists by government authorities since 2014 – alleging that 20 suffered torture, including being beaten, chained, threatened with death, and deprived of food, water, and sleep. A recently deported Mauritanian alleges that he was immediately jailed by government authorities for 13 days before he was released and fled the country. The State Department broadly urges reconsideration of travel to Mauritania due to crime and terrorism, stating that “violent crimes, such as mugging, armed robbery, rape, and assault are common.”
In light of the above facts, we ask DHS and the State Department to jointly respond within 60 days to the following questions to clarify U.S. policies and practices regarding deportations of Mauritanians, specifically:
- Has the State Department’s assessment of conditions in Mauritania or of risks and dangers for deportees in Mauritania informed DHS deportations of Mauritanians?
- Do DHS and the State Department have general policies and procedures regarding deportations of individuals to nations with governments that previously expelled such individuals on the basis of race or ethnicity?
- Is there precedent for the United States to deport large numbers of individuals back to a country that has persecuted them on the basis of race or ethnicity and/or rescinded their citizenship?
- How do DHS deportations of these individuals comply with international law and statutes pertaining to the treatment of stateless individuals and other individuals who are persecuted on the basis of their race and ethnicity?
- Has DHS or the State Department coordinated with Mauritanian authorities to ensure fair and safe treatment of deportees?
- What investigation, if any, has DHS or the State Department made into claims that black Mauritanians have been arbitrarily detained by Mauritanian authorities following their deportation?
- Please provide all documentation of communications between DHS, the State Department, and/or the Mauritanian government regarding the deportation of Mauritanians since January 2017.
We thank you for your attention to this matter.
Featured
Together We Rise: Black Unity Demands Change! #shorts
True transformation is forged through collective strength. When we unite in purpose, historical obstacles yield to the power of our shared vision.
True transformation demands perseverance and a shared, unwavering belief. When Black men and women unite in purpose and action, historical obstacles yield to collective strength. Change is not given; it is forged through unity. #CollectiveAction #Perseverance #SocialChange #Empowerment #Leadership
Black History
Christianity’s Racial History
THE POSITIVE COMMUNITY — Historian and author Jemar Tisby is challenging the traditional narratives of American religious history through his acclaimed work, The Color of Compromise. His research provides a comprehensive examination of how Christian institutions have historically participated in, accommodated, or resisted racial injustice from the colonial era to the present day.
Jemar Tisby is a historian, author, and public speaker whose work examines the relationship between Christianity, racism, and American history. Through his writing, he challenges readers to reconsider the role religious institutions have played in shaping racial attitudes and social structures. His widely recognized book, The Color of Compromise: The Truth About the American Church’s Complicity in Racism, explores how Christian churches have participated in, accommodated, and sometimes resisted racial injustice throughout American history. Tisby’s work encourages readers to examine the past honestly and consider what meaningful change requires today.
One of the central arguments in The Color of Compromise is that racism in America cannot be understood without examining the influence of religious institutions. Christianity has often been associated with messages of love, justice, compassion, and equality. Yet churches and Christian leaders have sometimes supported systems that denied African Americans their freedom and dignity. Tisby examines this contradiction, demonstrating how religious beliefs and institutions could be used to justify racial oppression rather than challenge it.
The book takes readers back to the era of European colonization and slavery, when religious arguments were frequently used to defend the enslavement of Africans. Some Christian leaders claimed that slavery was compatible with biblical teachings, while others used Christianity to encourage resistance to the institution. Enslaved Africans developed their own spiritual traditions, drawing strength from their faith while enduring violence, separation from family, and the denial of basic human rights. Tisby highlights the importance of understanding how Christianity became intertwined with the development of American slavery.
Tisby also explores the role of churches during the Civil War and Reconstruction. Although emancipation ended legal slavery, it did not eliminate racial prejudice or the struggle for equal citizenship. Some religious communities supported efforts to educate formerly enslaved people and establish independent Black institutions. Others tolerated or defended segregation and white supremacy. The period demonstrates how Christian institutions faced a choice between challenging racial injustice and preserving existing social arrangements.
Another important subject in the book is the relationship between Christianity and Jim Crow segregation. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, racial segregation became deeply embedded in American society. Many churches reflected the same divisions, maintaining separate congregations and unequal opportunities for worship and leadership. Tisby argues that compromise occurred not only when Christians openly defended racism but also when they remained silent or accepted discriminatory practices to avoid conflict. This distinction is essential to understanding the book’s central message.
The civil rights movement provides another significant chapter in this history. Black churches played a vital role in organizing demonstrations, supporting community leadership, and providing spiritual encouragement to people fighting racial discrimination. Figures such as the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. drew upon Christian teachings to challenge segregation and demand equal rights. However, not all white Christian congregations supported the movement. Tisby examines the difference between those who actively opposed racism and those who hesitated to challenge the racial status quo.
A major strength of Tisby’s writing is his attention to the difference between individual prejudice and institutional racism. A person may believe in treating others fairly while participating in organizations or traditions that produce unequal outcomes. Similarly, a church may preach love and acceptance while failing to confront discriminatory practices within its own community. Tisby encourages Christians to look beyond personal intentions and examine the consequences of their actions, their institutional policies, and their willingness to address injustice.
The book also challenges contemporary Christians to consider how the legacy of racial compromise continues to affect American religious life. Questions about church leadership, worship communities, racial representation, education, and public policy remain important. Tisby argues that acknowledging historical wrongdoing is not about assigning personal guilt to every modern Christian. Rather, it is about understanding how past decisions shaped the present and recognizing the responsibility to pursue greater fairness, accountability, and inclusion.
Tisby’s work has become an important contribution to conversations about race and religion because it asks readers to move beyond comfortable narratives about American Christianity. His historical approach encourages people to examine uncomfortable evidence, listen to the experiences of African Americans, and recognize the difference between professing moral principles and practicing them. The book also raises questions about what genuine reconciliation requires, emphasizing that meaningful progress involves more than expressions of goodwill. It requires a willingness to confront injustice and make changes that reflect the values Christians claim to uphold.
Ultimately, The Color of Compromise is a call for historical honesty, moral reflection, and meaningful action. Jemar Tisby challenges churches and individual believers to understand how Christianity has been used both to support oppression and to inspire resistance against it. His message is especially relevant in a society still wrestling with racial inequality and the consequences of its history. By examining the past with courage and integrity, readers can better understand the responsibilities of faith in the present. The book reminds us that the true test of religious conviction is not simply what people profess to believe, but whether their actions reflect justice, compassion, and respect for the dignity of every human being.
Based on reporting by The Positive Community.
Featured
Darren Riley of JustAir Solutions on the Need for Hyper-Local Data in Detroit’s Fight for Clean Air
Darren Riley of JustAir Solutions joins Mya Trujillo to discuss how hyper-local data is essential for tackling air pollution in Detroit and beyond.
Washington Informer reporter Mya Trujillo speaks witn the Detroit-based entrepreneur about what local leaders, experts and residents need to do to combat air pollution, and how the struggles faced by communities in the midwestern city mirror those experienced by residents in the Washington metropolitan area.
Black History
Learn Black History and Win Your Next Game Night
INDIANAPOLIS RECORDER — Dr. Maxine Bryant, a culture keeper and professor, is combatting book bans and historical inaccuracies through the launch of GriotSpeaks: The Game. The new board game is designed to celebrate the African diaspora by incorporating elements of geography, literature, music, and the Gullah Geechee culture.
Maxine Bryant, Ph.D., creator and founder GriotSpeaks, is sharing the history of the African diaspora through her new board game.
Bryant often quotes the African proverb: “Until the lion tells the story, the hunter will always be the hero.” She said for the hunter has been telling the story of the African diaspora for “far too long.”
The game is based in African culture. The spaces on the board feature the countries of the African diaspora and it uses gold bars and cowrie shells as currency while special game spaces showcase symbols such as the Sankofa bird, a pyramid and an Ankh.
Bryant, a culture keeper and educator, created the game to add a bit of fun to her ongoing mission of dispelling myths and sharing accurate history. She used the history lessons she taught over the years as the foundation for the game’s trivia questions. Bryant said she is even more motivated to correct the inaccurate narratives due to recent book bans and efforts to minimize or omit the contributions of Black people.
“We can’t tell our story if we don’t know our story,” Bryant said.
History buffs may start the game with a slight advantage, but even players with limited knowledge have a chance to win with some strategic play. During one game demonstration, she said, an 11-year-old beat her with the clever use of one of the game’s wild cards.
Bryant’s goal is for people to learn new information while having a good time with one another. She sat down with the Recorder to share her inspiration for the game and how she hopes it will influence the culture.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
What was the inspiration for creating a game?

Maxine Bryant: In all honesty, God gave me the vision for the game.
I put that board game together the way God showed me in in this vision, if you will, it was to be educational, informative, and entertaining. And so, I knew I wanted it to encompass all of the diaspora and with the educational part of it. Since I am a professor, it needed to encompass the critical areas of our history.
So, it’s geography; it’s the resistance, the protest — all of that. It’s … literature, music, the Gullah Geechee culture, storytelling, the whole gamut, and then Black people.
What are some of the things people are surprised to finally learn while playing the game?
Bryant: The genius of Black people.
Many people know Madam C.J. Walker, although I’m finding out that not everybody does. But one of the questions (asks about) who invented the hot comb? Everybody thinks Madam C.J. Walker, but no, that was not her thing. Her thing was hair care and strengthening hair. It was a man (Walter H. Sammons) who created the hot comb. So, people are amazed at what they’re learning.
How do you hope that this new knowledge helps people see the world?
Bryant: So, what I hope people learn is our true history, the history of our struggle, and our resistance, the history of our greatness, and information about our culture. That positions us then to be able to stand tall in knowledge of self.

One of the things I wholeheartedly believe in is that little Black boys and little Black girls who grow up with the message that you are nothing because you are Black … it’s easy for me to take you out. But if I look at you and I know that you’re great and I’m great, I may just have a different kind of level of respect for you.
I think that having a sense of self can impact how I look at myself and how I look at people who look like me.
Is there anything else you want to share?
Bryant: In my mind, this game is a must-have. It is so unique. Now, within the culture, we have trivia games and usually they’re trivia about sports or about entertainment and some about history, right? And usually, it pertains to people in the United States or events in the United States, culture in the United States.
This game contains movement around a physical board like Monopoly, but it also encompasses the entire African diaspora so it’s not just the United States. People who played this game tell me … they’ve never seen anything like it.
GriotSpeaks: The Game is best suited for players 17 and older. The game is available for purchase through Amazon or at the GriotSpeaks website.
Contact Editor-in-Chief Camike Jones at 317-762-7850.
The post Learn Black history and win your next game night appeared first on Indianapolis Recorder.
Based on reporting by Indianapolis Recorder.
Black Press
DOJ Fights to Keep Rep. Ilhan Omar’s Search Warrant Sealed: Report
GARLAND JOURNAL — Federal prosecutors are petitioning a U.S. District Court to maintain the seal on a search warrant and related records following an FBI search of Rep. Ilhan Omar’s Washington, D.C., home.
Federal prosecutors are trying to keep sealed the search warrant and related records from and FBI search of Rep. Ilhan Omar’s Washington, D.C., home earlier this month.
According to The Washington Post, a coalition of more than a dozen media organizations, including the Post, is seeking access to the warrant and related records. U.S. District Judge James Boasberg, an appointee of former President Barack Obama, is overseeing the dispute.
In a Tuesday (October 27) court filing, U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro argued that the request was premature because investigators are still reviewing evidence seized during the October 12 search and have not decided whether to file charges or whom to charge.
“This request sounds rash because it is rash,” Pirro wrote, according to The Hill. She argued that releasing the records could expose investigative sources and compromise the probe.
“Unsealing everything now imperils the investigation,” the Justice Department wrote, according to the Post.
The media organizations argue that the warrant application and supporting affidavit could reveal the investigation’s targets, the evidence investigators have gathered, and how the probe began, according to the Post.
The October 12 search was part of a federal investigation into allegations that Omar or members of her family misrepresented information on immigration paperwork. The congresswoman has denied wrongdoing and accused the Trump administration of politically targeting her.
As BIN previously reported, the Trump administration has also explored whether Omar could be stripped of her U.S. citizenship.
During an MS NOW interview on Wednesday (October 21), Omar announced plans to move out of her Washington residence, citing safety concerns after the search made her address public.
According to The Washington Post, prosecutors said in the filing that they may not oppose releasing some warrant records, with appropriate redactions, once the warrant has been fully executed and a public charging decision has been announced.
The Black Information Network is your source for Black News! Get the latest news 24/7 on The Black Information Network. Listen now on theiHeartRadio appor clickHEREto tune in live. In this article:DOJ Fights To Keep Rep. Ilhan Omar’s Search Warrant Sealed, U.S. District Judge James Boasberg
Based on reporting by Garland Journal.
Black History
Five Hospitals Said No! Who Will Help Annette Henry Recover?
Annette Henry, a 67-year-old Oakland woman, is struggling to access essential medical care after a devastating stroke left her with a rare neuropathic pain syndrome. Despite medical documentation confirming her need for inpatient rehabilitation, five different Bay Area hospitals have denied her admission, often citing her inability to meet rigid therapy thresholds. Her family’s efforts to seek intervention from state and federal lawmakers have yielded no results, leaving Henry at home without a clear path to recovery. To see how these systemic failures are impacting her health, read more.
A tangle of red tape and contradictions between health providers and Medicare rules have impeded an Oakland woman’s ability to recover from a stroke she had last year.
Her family – who are her caretakers – have reached out to various professionals and state and federal lawmakers for help to no avail.
At 67, Annette Henry needs inpatient stroke rehabilitation after a devastating stroke in May 2025. Since then, multiple Bay Area hospitals have denied it. She was accepted into a rehabilitation facility in June 2025 but discharged prematurely in July, in essentially the same condition.
Three hospitals where she was a patient pushed skilled nursing over inpatient rehabilitation. Two more declined referrals.
Now at home, Henry is caught in a system that measures her need for treatment against the limitations treatment should address.
Medical professionals have documented her need for a higher level of care.
In August 2025, a Medicare Quality Improvement Organization (QIO) overturned Henry’s discharge from an inpatient rehabilitation facility (IRF).
The QIO’s independent physician reviewer found she had not received the “intensive therapy program outlined on admission,” according to the Aug. 30, 2025, determination letter. Yet the decision did not secure her readmission or guarantee continued rehabilitation.
Henry has central post-stroke pain, a rare neuropathic pain syndrome that can make movement and touch intensely painful. Her pain specialist recommended inpatient rehabilitation alongside pain management.
Nevertheless, facilities have cited her inability to tolerate three hours of daily therapy as a reason to deny inpatient rehabilitation.
That practice raises questions about Medicare coverage policy. In Hooper v. Sullivan, No. H-80-99 (D. Conn. 1989), the court recorded the parties’ agreement that denials based on numerical utilization screens, diagnostic screens, treatment norms, the “three-hour rule,” or other “rules of thumb” were not appropriate.
CMS subsequently cited Hooper in its Aug. 7, 2009, final rule (74 Fed. Reg. 39762, 39794). The policy is also addressed in the Medicare Benefit Policy Manual, Chapter 1, Section 110, and CMS’s June 1 Review Choice Demonstration for IRF Services: Operational Guide.
These authorities underscore the need for individualized assessments rather than rigid numerical thresholds.
The central contradiction is stark: the pain and disability that make rehabilitation necessary have been cited as reasons to deny it. UCSF Stanyan’s April 7 discharge summary for Henry states that acute rehabilitation unit (ARU) placement was declined for “inability to tolerate three hours of therapy daily.” Without appropriate treatment, Henry risks further decline.
Her records document complications associated with prolonged immobility.
Orthopedics documented flexion contractures of the small and ring fingers on March 19.
Chest imaging on April 1 showed bibasilar dependent atelectasis, a condition involving reduced inflation of the lower portions of both lungs. These concerns can be examined through her medical records and photographs.
“What does a ‘not reasonable’ discharge look like?” her family asks. For them, it looks like an appeal decision recognizing a problem without ensuring a remedy: repeated referrals, denials and a patient still without the rehabilitation her treating professionals have recommended.
The family has sought help from the California Department of Public Health and the federal Office for Civil Rights to no avail. They contacted U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon in June 2025, while Henry was in rehabilitation; Senator Alex Padilla in May 2026; and Senator Adam Schiff in September 2026.
DeCuir says the family received no meaningful assistance and was redirected to the QIO or advised working with a social worker after Henry had already been discharged.
The consequences extend beyond rehabilitation. The family reports that Henry has struggled to attend in-person specialist or any appointments and needs in-person evaluation and treatment for complications, recommended evaluations, health screenings and preventive care.
Her mobility limitations have become barriers to broader medical care. Every office tells her their office is not set up to accommodate her. This has happened with specialty care, out-patient services, screenings and physical therapy.
Henry is a Black woman on Medicare, and her family believes her experience raises concerns about unequal access to intensive rehabilitation. Research has documented disparities in discharge to inpatient rehabilitation rather than skilled nursing, underscoring the importance of individualized review.
CMS, state regulators and healthcare providers should examine Henry’s records, assess her needs on their clinical merits and explain how the applicable coverage standards were applied, and whether they are being enforced.
Rehabilitation is not a reward for patients who can already tolerate treatment. It is care intended to help people recover function. Henry’s case asks whether a system designed to support recovery can leave a patient without a path to it.
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