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Espy’s Path to the U.S. Senate Includes Black, White and ‘Purple People’ of Mississippi 

Mike Espy, the first African-American elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from Mississippi since Reconstruction, a former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture, and now a practicing attorney, is running for a U.S. Senate seat against two Republican candidates in a special election. To win outright, a candidate needs 51 percent of the total vote or else the top two vote-getters will compete again in a run-off.

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Mike Espy
With a rock star-like following in Mississippi, Mike Espy must still fight for every vote to defeat two Republican candidates for the U. S. Senate.

With a rock star-like following in Mississippi, Mike Espy must still fight for every vote to defeat two Republican candidates for the U. S. Senate.

By Khalil Abdullah

(TriceEdneyWire.com) – Mike Espy, the first African-American elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from Mississippi since Reconstruction, a former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture, and now a practicing attorney, is running for a U.S. Senate seat against two Republican candidates in a special election. To win outright, a candidate needs 51 percent of the total vote or else the top two vote-getters will compete again in a run-off. In a conversation with Trice Edney News Wire contributor Khalil Abdullah about his historic run, Espy reflects on his time at USDA and shares his vision of Mississippi’s future. In order to win, he says, he will need the state’s Black, White and ‘purple people’ – those who will not necessarily vote along party lines, but in sync with his plans for the disadvantaged.

KA: Does Freedom Summer, 1964, still resonate in Mississippi in your upcoming election?

Espy: Yes. In fact, this past July [2017], I was in a mule train in Marks, Mississippi, and Robert Kennedy’s grandchildren were on the platform. It marked the 50th anniversary of Robert Kennedy, Jr. coming to Marks, around the same period of the Freedom Summer. That period still resonates, not so much with Millennials, but with older people.

We revere Fannie Lou Hamer and Medgar Evers and certainly acknowledge and respect everything they did. We have to make sure Millennials understand who these individuals were and their contributions.

KA: Your take on the President’s posture on China and international trade as it affects African-American farmers?

Espy: I met with Black farmers in Leland, Mississippi, on this issue. I think the President’s tariff policy is short-sighted and misguided. When he imposed that 25 percent tariff on aluminum and steel, I believe he did it as a naked political outreach to voters in Ohio and Pennsylvania. He did it, maybe not knowing or caring, of the retaliatory impact on soybean farmers. China slapped similar tariffs on soybeans, our number three cash crop, threatening the number one market [China] for Mississippi soybeans.

All farmers benefit from open markets and free trade. We don’t need to limit our global markets. Our farmers are so good, our yields so great, that we have to find extended markets to sell to. You can’t do that by inviting retaliatory tariffs that close markets

KA: Talk election math for the Senate seat. Do you need 100 percent of the African-American vote to win? How much of the Anglo vote?

Espy: I tell it a little differently. We need African-Americans to turn out at 37 percent of the total electorate, which is just about the Black voting age population here, and was the turnout percentage for Obama. If we get 95 percent of these voters, we’re going to look pretty good. Then all we need is less than one in four White votes.

Mike Espy campaigns for the U. S. Senate.

In Mississippi, 15 percent of White voters are Democrats, so we need seven percent more, purple people, I call them. These are women who don’t necessarily like the President’s rhetoric and the chaos he’s causing. These are people who care about the closing of rural hospitals and continuing the coverage of pre-existing medical conditions. They want their children to graduate in Mississippi and not have go to Detroit or Atlanta for work. They don’t want their kids to have student debt. They know I will help them because I’ve helped them as a Congressman and Secretary of Agriculture.

We have enough purple people who will vote for me in order to win, if we get the Black vote out at strength.

KA: In Greenville years ago, elders were challenged by youth who asked, “Are you going to provide pathways for our job future and economic development other than casinos and prisons?”

ESPY: I hope to do that. I’ve heard the same thing about casinos and prisons — that we need better opportunities. Here’s what I tell them.

Number one, I want you to graduate. Don’t drop out. I’m going to do all I can to help you graduate without debt. We need to make technical schools, junior and community colleges free of charge, at least for the first two years. They’ve done it New York and in the Los Angeles area. I don’t see why we can’t do it in Mississippi.

For other schools, we can find ways to mitigate some of that student debt. That’s number two.

Number three, we want these students to stay here. That takes somebody who is pro-business and attracts companies where Millennials want to work. I brought Deval Patrick to Mississippi. Here’s a brother who was governor of Massachusetts twice in a state that has Fortune 500s and Fortune 50 companies. I wanted them to see that this has been done before.

Massachusetts is not Mississippi. I know that. But there ought to be some collaboration and appreciation for best practices we can employ in Mississippi to bring jobs here, as long as we have the educated workforce. Of those reasons, none include prisons or casinos.

KA: Your take on technology, the demands for a changing labor force, and agriculture?

Espy: Those 30 Black farmers were already “there.” Some owned 6,000 acres, some owned two or three farms. They were telling me, they may be third generation farmers, but they’re often first generation to have graduated college. They spoke about new technologies they have employed that make farming easier. One said, when I was with my dad, I had to get in this tractor in the hot sun, but now, I get into a combine that’s air conditioned, and with hip-hop music. I plug in the coordinates, push a button, and that tractor drives itself. It picks the cotton, de-seeds the cotton, bales the cotton, all in one action. I can go from sunup until sundown, give it to my brother at nighttime because it’s using global positioning. We don’t need any sunlight to operate. All I have to do is afford it. It costs $250,000, and a lot of banks won’t lend because we don’t have the credit a lot of other farmers have established[K1] over generations.

We agreed we would focus on something called Catch-up, meaning for all the cost-share USDA imposes, they would get some benefit more than others, for a certain farm size, and if you were minority or disadvantaged. Agriculture has a great future, with technologies a lot of students don’t know about.

KA: Of the Department of Agriculture, it was said racism was so entrenched, it wouldn’t have mattered — you or any African-American who brought a sensibility for fairness and equity would have been fighting uphill.

Espy: They called it the last plantation. I guess that was a plantation master’s view, but I felt that. When I came in, I tried to change the culture to make it more consumer and patron friendly. I reduced the size of it, but also reinforced a different mission. I elevated the food and nutrition mission, the conservation mission, and what they used to call food stamps I made friendlier for consumers.

More than anything, I elevated the rural development mission, to make sure every town in America with fewer than 50,000 people had access to water and sewer, and telephone and broadband, and everything the USDA offers them. I reformed the farmers’ side to make sure there was diversity and class satisfaction, regardless of race, and also highlighted things like rural development.

KA: Is it a valid criticism that you weren’t aggressive enough in uprooting that culture of racism?

Espy: Before I got to USDA, there were no Black farmers on any local county committee anywhere in America. There’s something like 4,200 counties in America and each county had a USDA presence. There were no Black farmers on these committees because members were elected by their peers. Those White farmers had never elected a Black guy nowhere in America prior to 1993. Nowhere.

Knowing that — because I had studied it as a member of Congress — I tried to eke reform into existence, but it didn’t work. The committee formula is created by the Farm Bill, a legislative device. Congress voted down the law I proposed, that there be an African-American farm representative that could vote in each of those counties where the African-American farm population constituted more than 20 percent.

I said, okay, let the Secretary of Agriculture choose a Black farmer to monitor these committees, because that’s where the farmers receive the loan approval, at these county committees. Congress voted that down.

Meanwhile, I found out there were no USDA civil rights agencies in existence because President Ronald Reagan had terminated them all. I made sure President Clinton understood that those civil rights offices should be reauthorized and he did that. That’s how the Pigford settlement for Black farmers came into being.

I created diversity panels at all of the agencies under USDA, whether they were forestry or nutrition, for example, to make sure those panels had people on them that looked like the consumers they served. So, I don’t know what those critics are talking about. That’s one of the reasons antagonists wanted me to leave, because I was reforming and doing too much.

KA: In the mid-1990s, a German associate said, “Our labor costs are too high and U.S. import tariffs make our vehicles less competitive. We’re going to make America our Third World. You have cheap land in the South and no labor unions.”

In years since, BMW, Nissan, Toyota have built plants in the South. Nissan just celebrated 15 years for one of its Mississippi plants. Your response to this foreign presence? And is there a labor movement emerging in Mississippi?

Espy: I certainly invite the next generation of global auto manufacturers to consider locating in Mississippi. Those are jobs we need; jobs for people we need trained. We need more of them – BMW plants and all that. We have a Mercedes’ plants right here in Mississippi. Those are jobs for our people and that’s what I would promote as Senator.

Where labor is concerned, I’m pro-business and also pro-labor. I don’t think there’s a contradiction. I’ve come out for a $15 minimum wage; that just ought to be the bottom line. I’m for collective bargaining. Workers ought to have the right to decide for themselves whether that plant should be unionized. So, I’m certainly for collective bargaining and against arbitration. Some plants in Mississippi are union and some aren’t. As long as the vote is taken, and if it’s an honest and fair vote – without manipulation by the companies – I’m willing to live with the results.

These plants are hi-tech, bringing opportunities for employees to be trained in jobs of the future. I’m all for them coming, as long as labor has an opportunity to organize without frustration or penalty.

KA: For those outside of Mississippi, what do you want them to know about your candidacy and state?

Espy: That we have more Black voters in Mississippi than anywhere else in the nation. We’re approaching a 40 percent African-American population and 35 percent of them are voters. I want the Black community outside of Mississippi to understand the dynamics in play here. If Black voters turn out, at strength, then all we need are White Democrats and purple people, who believe in the same thing as I do, that we need to lift the state by lifting those who are the most disadvantaged.

For those who want a slice of the American dream, irrespective of race, we want to make sure that opportunity exists. As Senator, I’ll provide that for them. If you focus on that American dream for those in that socio-economic class I’m targeting, that’s going to lift most African-Americans in Mississippi. That’s why everyone needs to focus on this race; make sure that we’re serious; make sure we can win. I’m going to lift everybody and I’m going to lift the Black community.

KA: If elected to the U.S. Senate, would you consider a 2020 run for President?

ESPY: No, and I promise you that. We’re focused on Mississippi.

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Black Press

Statement from the President of the National Association of Black Journalists on Press Ban

TEXAS METRO NEWS — The National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) condemned President Donald Trump’s decision to deny access to MS NOW journalists and his threats against CNN and Politico due to unfavorable coverage. The NABJ stated that journalists hold power accountable for the American people, and government officials cannot grant or withhold access based on reporting they like or dislike.

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Statement from the President of the National Association of Black Journalists on Press Ban

NABJ condemns President Donald Trump’s decision to deny access to MS NOW journalists and his threat to exclude CNN and Politico because of coverage he dislikes. The role of journalists is to hold power accountable on behalf of the American people. Government officials cannot reward reporting they find favorable with access, or withhold access as punishment for journalists who have scrutinized or criticized them. This retaliation is a threat not only to the news organizations being targeted, but to every journalist working to report independently and without fear of government reprisal. The White House belongs to the American people, and they have a right to know what their government is doing. Journalists must be free to ask difficult questions and report the answers. A free and independent press is not a privilege granted at the discretion of any president. It is a cornerstone to a healthy and functioning democracy. The First Amendment can never be optional.

Based on reporting by Texas Metro News.



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America’s Reading Crisis Demands More Than Concern. It Demands Action.

JACKSON ADVOCATE — A national literacy crisis is emerging as reading achievement continues to decline across the United States. Nearly 40% of fourth graders read below the basic level, and roughly one-third of eighth graders are below basic, marking the highest share ever recorded.

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Photo: iStockphoto / NNPA.
Photo: iStockphoto / NNPA.

By Marc H. Morial

National Urban League President & CEO

New York City’s troubling decline in reading scores, despite one of the most ambitious literacy reform efforts in the nation, is a wakeup call for the entire nation.

Across the country, reading achievement continues to decline. Nearly 40 percent of fourth graders read below the basic level and roughly a third of eighth graders are reading below basic, the highest share ever recorded.

Taken together, these numbers reveal a national literacy crisis that threatens economic opportunity, educational equity, and our nation’s future competitiveness.

Reading is not merely another subject in school. Reading is the foundation upon which all learning rests. A child who struggles to read struggles to learn history, science, mathematics, and civics. A young person who cannot effectively read and analyze complex information faces barriers to college completion, workforce success, and informed participation in our democracy.

That is why the growing literacy crisis is fundamentally an opportunity crisis. Behind every percentage point is a child whose future opportunities hang in the balance. Persistent achievement gaps mean that Black and Latino students continue to bear a disproportionate share of the consequences when reading instruction falls short. If we are serious about economic mobility and educational justice, literacy must be at the center of the conversation.

For more than two decades, many schools embraced Balanced Literacy approaches that sought to cultivate a love of reading by putting books in students’ hands and encouraging independent reading. The approach was well-intentioned, but too often foundational skills instruction, particularly phonics and decoding, suffered.

The evidence is increasingly clear that explicit, systematic instruction helps more children become successful readers. States and school districts that are embracing these principles deserve credit for moving in the right direction. But millions of students are already in middle school, high school, and even college struggling to read complicated texts, analyze difficult arguments, and complete entire books.

What is our plan for them?

Too many students arrive in high school lacking the reading stamina necessary to engage deeply with literature, history, or complex informational texts. College professors increasingly describe students who struggle with lengthy assignments that previous generations navigated more comfortably.

To be clear, Balanced Literacy alone cannot explain these trends. Increased screen time, constant digital distractions, shortened attention spans, and the dominance of algorithm-driven content all influence students’ reading habits and learning experiences.

Yet recognizing these factors cannot become an excuse for inaction.

Instead, it should compel us to think more broadly about literacy.

The challenge before us is not simply helping children sound out words. It is helping them develop the capacity to wrestle with complex ideas, sustain attention, evaluate evidence, and build knowledge through reading. It is helping them become informed citizens and lifelong learners.

And that requires a comprehensive, systemic strategy.

We need high-quality literacy instruction beginning in early childhood settings and extending throughout elementary school. We need to strengthen early intervention so that struggling readers receive support before learning gaps become entrenched. We must carefully examine the quality and effectiveness of programs serving our youngest learners, including Head Start and other early childhood initiatives.

At the same time, we need a national commitment to literacy recovery for older students. Districts and states should be developing evidence-based strategies that help adolescents strengthen comprehension, vocabulary, knowledge-building, and engagement with complex texts. Students who fell behind during the pandemic and those who continue to struggle deserve intensive support, not lowered expectations.

We should also have serious conversations about the role of technology in children’s lives. Restricting unnecessary screen exposure, particularly in the early grades, should be part of a broader effort to rebuild reading habits and attention spans that support learning.

More concerning than the decline in reading scores is the absence of a clear, large-scale strategy to address the growing crisis. Every year that a struggling reader falls further behind increases the likelihood that they will face lifelong educational and economic disadvantages.

The recent reading results from New York City are a warning. The national NAEP results are an even louder one. Together, they tell us that incremental change is not enough.

We know more about how children learn to read than ever before. We know that literacy is the gateway to opportunity. What remains to be seen is whether we have the collective will to act with the urgency this moment demands.

Our children cannot afford for us to wait.

Based on reporting by Jackson Advocate.



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Peter Magubane: a Camera Against Apartheid

THE POSITIVE COMMUNITY — Peter Magubane, a pioneering South African photographer, dedicated his life to documenting the realities of apartheid. Born in 1932, Magubane began his career at Drum magazine in 1954, initially as a driver before becoming a photographer.

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Peter Magubane: a Camera Against Apartheid

Peter Magubane was more than a photographer. He was a witness, storyteller, historian and courageous chronicler of one of the most turbulent periods in South African history. Born on January 18, 1932, in Vrededorp, Johannesburg, and raised in Sophiatown, Magubane discovered photography as a young boy after receiving a Kodak Brownie camera. That simple camera would eventually become his instrument for documenting the lives, struggles and determination of Black South Africans. He died on January 1, 2024, at the age of 91, leaving behind one of the most important photographic archives of South Africa’s apartheid era.

Magubane’s professional journey began at Drum magazine in 1954. He initially worked as a driver and messenger, but his ambition was to become a photographer. Under the mentorship of Drum’s legendary chief photographer Jürgen Schadeberg, Magubane developed his skills and began photographing major political and social events. His first significant assignment involved covering the 1955 African National Congress convention. From that point forward, photography became his way of documenting a country undergoing enormous change.

The South Africa that Magubane photographed was governed by apartheid, a system that legally enforced racial segregation and discrimination. For Black South Africans, everyday life was shaped by restrictions on where they could live, work and travel. Magubane did not limit himself to photographing politicians or famous leaders. He photographed ordinary people—children, workers, families and communities—giving the outside world a visual record of what apartheid meant in everyday life.

One of the defining moments of Magubane’s career came in 1960, when he photographed the aftermath of the Sharpeville Massacre. His photographs helped bring international attention to the violence surrounding resistance to apartheid. He also photographed the 1956 women’s anti-pass march, the Rivonia Trial involving Nelson Mandela and other activists, and numerous other events that became part of South Africa’s historical record.

Magubane paid an enormous personal price for his work. In 1969, he was arrested while photographing protesters outside Pretoria Central Prison. He was subsequently held in solitary confinement for 586 days. After his release, the apartheid government placed him under a banning order that severely restricted his ability to work and move freely. Yet the restrictions did not convince him to abandon photography. Instead, they demonstrated just how powerful the authorities believed his photographs could be.

In 1976, Magubane documented the Soweto Uprising, when thousands of Black students protested against the apartheid government’s education policies. His photographs captured young people confronting police violence and became some of the most internationally recognized images of the uprising. Despite the danger, Magubane continued photographing what was happening around him. His work transformed individual moments of protest into permanent historical evidence that could not easily be erased.

His creativity was matched by his determination to get the picture. Because authorities restricted photographers and attempted to prevent journalists from documenting certain events, Magubane sometimes concealed his camera in unusual places, including a hollowed-out Bible, bread and other objects. These methods allowed him to continue working when openly carrying a camera could attract police attention. His photographs demonstrated that documentary photography sometimes requires not only technical ability but extraordinary courage and resourcefulness.

After Nelson Mandela was released from prison in 1990, Magubane entered another important chapter of his career. He became Mandela’s official photographer and documented the transition toward democracy, including significant moments surrounding South Africa’s first democratic election and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The photographer who had spent decades documenting resistance now had the opportunity to photograph a country moving toward a new political era.

Magubane’s legacy extends far beyond the individual photographs he made. He published numerous books, exhibited internationally and received major honors, including an honorary Doctor of Literature from the University of Cape Town in 2010. His photographs remain part of the historical record because they show not only the brutality of apartheid but also the humanity, resilience and determination of the people who lived through it.

Peter Magubane ultimately demonstrated the extraordinary power of photography. He understood that a photograph can preserve a moment long after the people who witnessed it are gone. His camera recorded injustice, resistance, suffering, courage and eventually freedom. For photographers today, his life offers an enduring lesson: photography is not simply about making beautiful pictures—it can also be about seeing clearly, standing close to history and making sure that important stories are never forgotten. Magubane’s photographs gave South Africa a visual memory, and his life’s work reminds every photographer that sometimes the most important picture is the one that history needs someone brave enough to make.

Based on reporting by The Positive Community.



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Black History

HBCU Leaders, Corporate Partners Convene in D.C. to Strengthen Support for Black Colleges’ Athletic Programs

COLUMBUS TIMES — HBCU athletic conference commissioners, university presidents, and corporate leaders gathered in Washington on Tuesday, September 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception. This invitation-only event, hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, aimed to deepen investment in historically Black colleges and universities.

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HBCU Leaders, Corporate Partners Convene in D.C. to Strengthen Support for Black Colleges' Athletic Programs
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Commissioners from HBCU athletic conferences joined university presidents and corporate leaders in Washington on Tuesday, Sept. 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception — an invitation-only gathering aimed at deepening investment in historically Black colleges and universities.

Hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, the evening brought together conference commissioners, campus presidents, and executives from sports, media and design organizations under the theme “Building Partnerships. Celebrating Excellence. Advancing HBCUs.” Gensler highlighted its partnership with Paxton Baker on the event in a post on Instagram, showcasing the room full of HBCU presidents and conference leaders.

Five Conferences, One Room

Commissioners from four NCAA conferences and one NAIA conference were on hand, representing institutions that compete across Division I, Division II and the NAIA:

Anthony Holloman — Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference Charles McClelland — Southwestern Athletic Conference Jacqie McWilliams Parker — Central Intercollegiate Athletic Association Sonja Stills — Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference Kiki Baker Barnes — HBCU Athletic Conference

Their presence linked leadership from across the HBCU athletics landscape with campus administrators and organizations working in event management, design and media.

Presidents and Black Press Leadership in the Room

Among the university presidents in attendance were Prairie View A&M’s Tomikia P. LeGrande and Bowie State’s Aminta H. Breaux.

LeGrande’s appearance came just days after the Thurgood Marshall College Fund named her the recipient of its Educational Leadership Award, as announced by Prairie View A&M. She was honored at TMCF’s 39th Anniversary Gala on Sept. 12 in Washington. LeGrande has served as Prairie View A&M’s ninth president since June 2023.

Breaux, who has led Bowie State since July 2017, previously chaired the CIAA’s board of directors, according to her university biography.

Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., president and CEO of the National Newspaper Publishers Association, also attended — fitting, given the NNPA’s role as one of the reception’s presenting partners. Chavis and HBCU GO’s Lawrencia Moten conducted two 30-minute interview sessions with the conference commissioners, covering topics ranging from the NIL era to conference growth and the experience of leading HBCU athletics, according to HBCU GO President Curtis Symonds, who spoke with HBCU Legends about the sessions.

Corporate and Institutional Partners

Five organizations presented the reception together:

Gensler — the architecture and design firm that hosted the event Events DC — the District’s convention and sports authority USA Track & Field — the sport’s national governing body National Newspaper Publishers Association — representing Black newspaper publishers HBCU GO — the network dedicated to HBCU sports and culture

That mix of partners pointed to a range of possible collaborations ahead, from athletic facilities and event operations to sports programming and media coverage.

Building Beyond the Scoreboard

What stood out most was the mix of people in the room — conference commissioners setting strategy for their leagues, university presidents shaping institutional priorities, and corporate partners bringing resources and expertise from multiple industries.

With college athletics undergoing rapid change, particularly for HBCUs navigating the NIL era and shifting conference dynamics, the reception offered a venue for candid conversation and relationship-building. Its underlying purpose went beyond athletics: using sports as an entry point to broader opportunities in education, workforce development and economic growth for HBCUs.

Based on reporting by Columbus Times.



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At CBCF Conference, a Panel Asks What Black Public Figures Owe the People Who Follow Them

COLUMBUS TIMES — The Congressional Black Caucus Foundation’s Annual Legislative Conference featured a panel titled “Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach.” Actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét, and rapper Yung Joc discussed how public figures can translate influence into real-world change.

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At CBCF Conference, a Panel Asks What Black Public Figures Owe the People Who Follow Them
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WASHINGTON — Among the more than 100 policy forums and brain trusts at this year’s Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Annual Legislative Conference was a conversation about influence itself: who has it, and what they do with it.

"Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach" brought together actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét and rapper and radio host Yung Joc. The session looked at how entertainers, creators and elected officials can turn public attention into real-world change.

The panel took place at the 55th Annual Legislative Conference, a five-day event in Washington that began Wednesday. This year’s theme is "Rooted, Ready & Rising," and the conference coincides with the CBC Foundation’s 50th anniversary. CBCF President and CEO Nicole Austin-Hillery has said the gathering is meant to "combine celebration with purpose," while taking up issues including voting rights, economic opportunity, education, health disparities and criminal justice.

That mix of celebrity and policy is a long-running feature of the conference, which brings lawmakers, advocates, entrepreneurs, students and entertainers into the same rooms. The panel’s premise reflects a broader question as creators reach audiences that rival traditional media.

A career built on both stage and street

Sampson is a natural fit for that conversation. The Houston native is known for television and film work, including HBO’s Insecure, and for his activism off screen. He co-founded BLD PWR, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that combines entertainment, education and activism.

The organization says its mission is to "reimagine and realize the liberated future we know our people deserve." It works to mobilize entertainment-industry figures and organize communities around racial, gender, immigration, economic and environmental justice, mental health and wellness, and opposition to state violence. BLD PWR emphasizes storytelling and community healing, and it centers the voices of Black, Indigenous and other marginalized communities.

What to watch

The conference runs through Sunday at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center. Details on sessions and registration are available through the CBC Foundation.

Based on reporting by Columbus Times.



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Black Press

Clickbait: the Toll of a Bad Headline

SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY – SOUTHERNDIGEST — Southern University is widely known for its Human Jukebox, a celebrated part of HBCU culture. However, the university also boasts a highly-ranked nursing school, recognized by Nurse.org as the best in the U.S. for two consecutive years, with a 100% first-time pass rate on a national certification exam in 2025.

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Photo courtesy Southern University SouthernDigest.
Photo courtesy Southern University SouthernDigest.

Ask someone outside of Louisiana what they know about Southern University, and there is a good chance the conversation will eventually lead to HBCU culture and the Human Jukebox. And rightfully so. The Human Jukebox has earned its reputation through generations of hard work, discipline and excellence. It represents more than halftime entertainment; it is part of the heart of Southern University and HBCU culture. But after the Jukebox, what comes next? That is where Southern has a public relations problem.

Southern University is home to a nursing school that was named Best Nursing School in the United States by Nurse.org for the second consecutive year in 2026. The program also reported a 100% first-time pass rate on the 2025 American Academy of Nurse Practitioners certification examination. Accomplishments like those should be just as inseparable from Southern’s name as its band and culture.

Instead, Southern’s positive story is too often forced to compete with another narrative: housing shortages, unanswered questions, aging infrastructure, power outages and the familiar feeling among students that something else has gone wrong. The recent power outages made that especially difficult to ignore.

Southern lost power on Sept. 1, forcing classes to be canceled. Days later, another outage affected campus operations, eventually leading the university to close campus for multiple days and shift classes remotely. Students told local news stations about losing food, struggling without air conditioning and Wi-Fi, and trying to keep up with schoolwork while the campus dealt with electrical problems. Watching frustrated students explain their experiences to local reporters made me ask a simple question: Is this bad PR? At first, I thought the answer was obvious. Communication during the outage felt too slow. Students wanted to know when power would return, whether classes would continue and when campus life would return to normal. When information is limited, rumors fill the gap. One person says the power is back. Someone else says it went back out. Students begin relying on each other before they rely on the institution. But learning more about what happens behind the scenes complicated my original opinion.

The people responsible for communicating cannot simply release whatever information is circulating. They may be waiting on utility companies, facilities officials, emergency management or university leadership to confirm what is actually happening. Publishing an estimate that turns out to be wrong can create even more confusion. That does not mean communication should stop.

There is a difference between saying, “We don’t know,” and saying nothing. Even when there is no new information, students can still be told that there is no new information. An update saying officials are still waiting for confirmation, explaining what is currently known and telling students when to expect another update creates something extremely important during a crisis: certainty about the communication process, even when there is uncertainty about the situation itself.

But the more I thought about “Bad PR?” the more I realized Southern’s problem is bigger than how quickly an email goes out. Public relations cannot turn the electricity back on. It cannot build a residence hall overnight. It cannot make every office answer its phone. It cannot win a football game. At some point, an institution’s reputation has to be supported by the institution itself.

Southern entered Fall 2026 with campus housing completely occupied and its housing waitlist at capacity. The university is responding by moving forward with new housing that is expected to add approximately 850 beds. That investment matters. But it also represents a larger pattern Southern cannot afford to continue: waiting until a problem becomes part of the student experience before the solution becomes visible. Southern cannot continuously rely on the resilience of its students as part of its operating model.

There is almost a collective “struggle bus” mentality that can develop on campus. Something is broken. Something is delayed. Another office is not answering. Another unexpected problem appears. But at least we are still here, getting our education and figuring it out. Southern certainly develops character. But students should not have to develop character by constantly learning to navigate problems that an evolving university should be working to eliminate.

That is especially important because Southern does not exist in isolation. Across Baton Rouge sits LSU, one of the most recognizable universities in the state. Comparisons between the two institutions are almost inevitable, whether those comparisons are fair or not. Southern should not try to become LSU. It should become the strongest possible version of Southern.

There is something different about attending an HBCU. There is value in entering classrooms where students who look like you can be recognized for their intelligence without first having to prove that they belong there. There is value in being surrounded by people who may come from completely different backgrounds while sharing an experience rooted in Black history, culture and achievement. Southern has that. It has legacy. It has culture. It has nationally recognized programs. It has students worth celebrating. It has one of the most recognizable bands in college culture. The problem is not that Southern lacks a brand. Southern’s problem is keeping that legacy intact while building an institution capable of carrying it into the future. Construction around campus shows that change is happening. New housing is coming. Infrastructure is being addressed. But physical construction cannot be the only visible evidence of progress. Students should be able to experience that evolution in customer service, communication, technology, facilities and the everyday systems they depend on.

The Human Jukebox does not need less recognition. The rest of Southern needs to reach the same standard of excellence that makes the Jukebox so easy to celebrate. If Southern wants to control its narrative nationally, the answer cannot simply be better marketing whenever something goes wrong. Southern already has the story.

The nursing students achieving nationally recognized results are part of the story. The students earning degrees are part of the story. The culture is part of the story. The Jukebox is part of the story. The history and generations of alumni are part of the story.

But so are the outages, housing frustrations and institutional problems students experience. Public relations can decide how a story is communicated, but it cannot permanently separate reputation from reality. Maybe Southern does not have a “bad PR” problem after all. Maybe Southern has an institution with an incredibly strong brand that is sometimes being asked to carry more weight than it should. If Southern truly wants to control its narrative, that work cannot begin and end with a press release. It has to begin within.

Based on reporting by Southern University – SouthernDIGEST.



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