BlackPressUSA
An Ousted Clayton County Judge Is Suing to Throw Out 25,000 Votes—and Declare Himself the Winner
BLACKPRESSUSA – After losing by nine points, Clayton County Judge Aaron Mason sued to throw out 25,000 votes and declare himself the winner. The public can’t read the case.
By Danielle Bess
Danielle Bess is a trial attorney based in the Clayton Judicial Circuit of Georgia.
Three days after Clayton County voters removed Judge Aaron Mason from the Superior Court bench in a nine-point loss, he filed a lawsuit asking a court to disqualify the winner, Judge-elect Deitra Burney-Butler, and to throw out the more than 25,000 votes cast for her and declare him the winner instead.
He filed it in the Superior Court of Clayton County, where Judge Mason presides.
Over the past ten weeks, no news outlet has reported that the case exists.
That points to a second problem, one that affects anyone who uses Georgia courts. The Petition, the only document that explains what the case is about, has never been publicly viewable. It appears on re: SearchGA, Georgia’s statewide court-records portal, but that listing shows only the lawyers’ entries of appearance, even though later filings in the same case were promptly posted.
To get a copy, I went to the Clayton County Superior Court Clerk’s office in person. The clerk could not find the Petition; a search for the paper file came up empty. Only after a supervisor stepped in did a clerk locate the case in an internal system and print a copy, minus the exhibits it references. No one explained to me why I couldn’t have it or why it wasn’t online.
“Weird” is how Bryan Sells, an Atlanta election law attorney who has practiced in this field for 28 years and litigated candidate-eligibility cases, described the Petition’s absence from the public docket.
A judge’s lawsuit, filed from a judge’s chambers
The Petition to Contest Election was filed pro se by Judge Mason on May 22, 2026. It lists his address as 9151 Tara Boulevard, the Clayton County Judicial Complex, where he keeps his chambers. The email address on the filing is his official judicial email. And the sworn verification at the back was notarized by an employee of the Clayton County court administration office. Records produced by the Secretary of State show the same court administration employee also notarized Judge Mason’s own qualifying paperwork when he entered the race back in March.
Mason has been a judge for 16 years. He was appointed to the State Court of Clayton County in 2010 by Governor Sonny Perdue, a milestone his campaign website says made him “the first African American to serve on that bench.” In December 2016, Governor Nathan Deal elevated him to the Superior Court, where he ran unopposed in 2018 and 2022. May 19, 2026, was the first time Clayton County voters were ever offered a choice about Judge Aaron Mason.
They chose someone else.
Deitra Burney-Butler spent 14 years on the Clayton County juvenile court bench and, before that, prosecuted cases in the Clayton County District Attorney’s and Solicitor’s offices. In 2023, Judge Robert Mack rescinded her reappointment, ending her tenure. Reporting at the time said the rescission cited concerns about her ability to serve. Burney-Butler has received no public discipline by the State Bar or the Judicial Qualifications Commission. Eight months after her removal, she challenged Judge Mack at the polls and lost. She came back in 2026, ran against Judge Mason, and won 25,414 votes to his 20,948.
Judge Robert Mack, who now serves as Chief Judge, will be the only man on the Clayton County Superior Court bench if the election results stand.
The theory: Her State Bar Status
The Petition alleges that Burney-Butler was never qualified to run at all. Georgia law, at O.C.G.A. § 15-6-4(a), requires that a Superior Court judge “is a member in good standing with the State Bar of Georgia.” According to the Petition, at the time of her candidacy, the State Bar directory listed Burney-Butler as an “Inactive Member in Good Standing,” a status that does not permit the practice of law. From there, the Petition reasons: she could not practice, so she was ineligible; her candidacy affidavit was false; the votes cast for her were void; and because Mason was the only other candidate on the ballot, he received the only legal votes and should be declared the winner.
For that last step, Mason cites Haynes v. Wells, a 2000 Georgia Supreme Court case that itself originated in Clayton County, holding that votes cast for an ineligible candidate are “void and ineffective.”
“Usually, people challenge during the qualification period,” Sells told me. Georgia law gives any constituent a window of roughly 10 days after qualifying to challenge a candidate’s eligibility. Waiting until after the election, he said, is unusual but not unheard of.
The bigger problem, in Sells’s view, is the theory itself. “I don’t see any requirement in the qualification statute that someone be an active member,” he said. The statute requires good standing, and as Sells put it, “there is no dispute that she is in good standing.” The difference between active and inactive status, Sells explained, largely comes down to dues and continuing education: inactive members pay less, skip the CLE requirements, and cannot practice law. Returning to active status requires little more than filing a form with the State Bar and paying fees.
The State Bar’s own rules back that up. The Bar officially publishes counts of “inactive members in good standing” as a category, and Bar Rule 1-204 defines good standing in terms of being current on fees and free of suspension or disbarment, not by whether a member is actively practicing.
A check of the Georgia State Bar directory on August 5, 2026, shows Deitra Burney-Butler as an Active Member in Good Standing.
What the affidavit actually says
I have now read the affidavit that Judge Mason’s lawsuit condemns as false. The Secretary of State produced it in response to my open records request, and it never mentions the State Bar at all. The sworn Notice of Candidacy and Affidavit Burney-Butler signed on March 5, 2026, is a standard state form. It attests to her name, residence, citizenship, the absence of disqualifying convictions and tax defaults, and to one general statement: “I am eligible to hold such office.” There is no line about bar membership, active status, or good standing. Her occupation is disclosed in her handwriting: “Hearing Officer.”
Whether a general oath of eligibility can be “false” when the State Bar itself classified her as a member in good standing is precisely the question Mason’s theory must survive.
‘He started too soon, a race against time
Mason brought his case under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-524(a), which gives a defeated candidate five days to file, beginning after the election results are certified.
Mason did not wait for the clock to start, and records from the Secretary of State laid out his morning, timestamp by timestamp. At 10:37 a.m. on May 22, Mason submitted his own open records request to the Secretary of State, asking for Burney-Butler’s Notice of Candidacy, affidavit, and complete qualifying file. At 11:45 a.m., 68 minutes later, his Petition was stamped in at the Clayton County Clerk’s office. The Petition promises to supplement with the affidavit itself “upon receipt.” Ten weeks later, nothing in the accessible court record shows that the supplement was ever filed. And at 5:30 that evening, the Board of Elections convened to certify the election results that Mason was already contesting.
The government’s own inboxes also document the afternoon as part of the same open records response. A copy of the Petition bearing a second stamp shows it reached the county elections office at 1:21 p.m. Three minutes later, Clayton County Elections Director Shauna Dozier sent it to Blake Evans, the Elections Director for the Georgia Secretary of State. Evans asked when the county planned to certify. “We are set to certify today at 5:30 PM,” Dozier replied. At 1:36 p.m., Evans forwarded the petition to the Secretary of State’s general counsel with his read: because a Superior Court judgeship is a state-level office, Mason “needs to wait until after state certification” to file a contest, a certification even further away than the county vote scheduled for that evening.
At 6:58 that night, about an hour and a half after Clayton certified, General Counsel Charlene McGowan responded. “I believe you are correct that this is premature,” she wrote. But because Mason had not named the Secretary of State as a respondent, there was “nothing for us to do at this point.” The state’s top election lawyer identified a possible defect the day the case was filed, concluded it was not the state’s problem, and moved on. Nothing in the records suggests anyone ever told Judge Mason or the court.
The contest statute is built for speed: the clerk is directed to issue process immediately, the defendant must answer within days of service, and the State Election Board must be notified. Mason did prepare that certificate. The elections office’s copy of the Petition includes a certificate of service addressed to the State Election Board’s chairman and recites that a copy was mailed to Burney-Butler. But that page was not in the copy of the court file the clerk’s office produced to me, and nothing in the accessible court record shows it was ever filed. More than 10 weeks after the filing, the accessible court file reflects that essentially nothing has happened.
“I would have expected it to be done by now. It should be done,” Sells said.
When I returned to the clerk’s office for a second look at the file, the answers got stranger. The “-99” now attached to the case number, a deputy clerk explained in a recorded conversation, is “just the judge code”: every judge of the Clayton Judicial Circuit had recused. Mason is their colleague; Chief Judge Mack removed Burney-Butler from her judgeship, and she challenged him just two years ago. The case now awaits a judge of the Sixth Judicial Administrative District, one who, as far as the public record shows, has not been appointed. “It’s not, like, one of our normal cases,” she told me.
Then I asked for the rest of the file: a sheriff’s entry of service, exhibits, certificates of service, anything beyond the petition, and the three entries of appearance. There was nothing else they could provide, I was told. When I pressed, the deputy clerk offered an explanation: “Certain things are sealed. And when it’s sealed, we are unable to see certain stuff.”
But “sealed” is a legal term with specific implications. It means a judge held a hearing and signed an order. So I asked to see the sealing order, and to the staff’s credit, they corrected themselves. There is no order. What they meant, they explained, is that when a case goes to the Sixth District after a bench-wide recusal, it is “automatically under lock and key under administration.” Even the clerk’s own staff can see only “the bare minimum”: party names, attorneys, and what appears online.
The court file in an active election contest, which seeks to overturn the votes of more than 25,000 Clayton County citizens, is locked away not by any judge’s order but automatically by administrative default, so thoroughly that the office legally responsible for maintaining the record cannot open it. Despite asking, I was not told what policy supports this process. As of this reporting, the most important document in this case cannot be read on any website, and the file cannot be inspected at any courthouse counter in Clayton County.
This administrative rule appears to contradict Georgia law. Under the Uniform Superior Court Rules, every court record is presumed public, and access can be restricted only by a judge’s order after a hearing, supported by written findings that privacy clearly outweighs the public’s interest. The clerks confirmed that no such order was issued in this case. No judge has entered any publicly available order. Indeed, based on the public record, no judge has even been assigned. Sells said a delay in designating a judge when a full bench recuses is normal. “But that shouldn’t explain all this.”
County residents weigh in
Clayton County voters have had no way of knowing about the lawsuit except through rumors circulating in the community. I spoke to Clayton County resident Timothy Vondell Jefferson, who calls himself ‘Mr. Clayton County’ and describes himself as a supporter of Judge Mason. He had heard a rumor that someone was contesting an election, but he did not know who it was or any of the details. “Voters in Clayton County should know about this lawsuit,” Jefferson said.
When asked if he agreed with Judge Mason trying to have Burney-Butler disqualified and himself declared the winner, he stated, “If there is a valid reason, she should be removed, but if it’s just throwing mud against the wall hoping it will stick, I don’t agree with that, or if he is coming from a sore loser’s point of view, I don’t agree with none of that.”
Other members of the community expressed disappointment that Judge Mason filed a lawsuit. “It’s really disappointing that he would file a lawsuit to get a position back that he was clearly voted out of,” said Attania Jean-Funny, a Clayton County resident and former candidate for county commission. She described the inability to access this lawsuit as the “type of underhanded things we are trying to get out of our political system.”
When I described the petition to another Clayton County voter who asked to be identified only by her last name, Chambers, her reaction was to first process it. “We want people to operate within a process,” she said. “The process allowed for questions about her eligibility at the very beginning. It would be different if there were no other avenue—but there was.” Mason waited until three days after he lost. Chambers suspects she knows why: “He probably operated from some degree of arrogance—to think this woman could not unseat you.”
Chambers expressed concern that this case could affect voters’ willingness to engage in the electoral process in the future. “Voters served their civic responsibility,” she said, “and to now make it seem like that’s all for naught—it just concerns me about the precedent it sets,” particularly with midterm elections approaching and particularly in a predominantly Black county whose votes are the ones a court is being asked to void.
Chambers summed up her feelings in one sentence, “Don’t have me as a voter go through this whole process, and then with the stroke of a pen, you call it into question—when you didn’t do that in the beginning.”
The lawyers arrive
The docket does reveal some movement. A lawyer for Burney-Butler, Aryka Moore, entered an appearance on July 2. Then, on July 28, with an updated filing on July 30, Judge Mason went from pro se to retaining Ronald Freeman and Patrise Perkins-Hooker. Perkins-Hooker is a former president of the State Bar of Georgia. To argue about what State Bar membership means, Judge Mason has hired the woman who once ran the State Bar.
Moore said her client had no comment at this time. Attorneys for Judge Mason did not respond to detailed written questions by the deadline. Neither did Clerk of Superior Court Chanae Q. Clemons, who received written questions about the handling of the file. This story will be updated if they do.
The clock is running
Judge-elect Burney-Butler’s term begins January 1. Litigation may yet answer the question of whether an attorney who is an Inactive Member in Good Standing can be elected to the Superior Court bench in Georgia. But somewhere between Jonesboro and McDonough sits a case with no assigned judge, no hearing date, and no public paper trail, a case that was supposed to be decided in days but has now drifted for months, waiting to determine whether the choice made by more than 25,000 Clayton County voters will stand.
The statute’s clock was designed to run in days. It has been running since May.
Black Press
Statement from the President of the National Association of Black Journalists on Press Ban
TEXAS METRO NEWS — The National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) condemned President Donald Trump’s decision to deny access to MS NOW journalists and his threats against CNN and Politico due to unfavorable coverage. The NABJ stated that journalists hold power accountable for the American people, and government officials cannot grant or withhold access based on reporting they like or dislike.
NABJ condemns President Donald Trump’s decision to deny access to MS NOW journalists and his threat to exclude CNN and Politico because of coverage he dislikes. The role of journalists is to hold power accountable on behalf of the American people. Government officials cannot reward reporting they find favorable with access, or withhold access as punishment for journalists who have scrutinized or criticized them. This retaliation is a threat not only to the news organizations being targeted, but to every journalist working to report independently and without fear of government reprisal. The White House belongs to the American people, and they have a right to know what their government is doing. Journalists must be free to ask difficult questions and report the answers. A free and independent press is not a privilege granted at the discretion of any president. It is a cornerstone to a healthy and functioning democracy. The First Amendment can never be optional.
Based on reporting by Texas Metro News.
Black Press
America’s Reading Crisis Demands More Than Concern. It Demands Action.
JACKSON ADVOCATE — A national literacy crisis is emerging as reading achievement continues to decline across the United States. Nearly 40% of fourth graders read below the basic level, and roughly one-third of eighth graders are below basic, marking the highest share ever recorded.
By Marc H. Morial
National Urban League President & CEO
New York City’s troubling decline in reading scores, despite one of the most ambitious literacy reform efforts in the nation, is a wakeup call for the entire nation.
Across the country, reading achievement continues to decline. Nearly 40 percent of fourth graders read below the basic level and roughly a third of eighth graders are reading below basic, the highest share ever recorded.
Taken together, these numbers reveal a national literacy crisis that threatens economic opportunity, educational equity, and our nation’s future competitiveness.
Reading is not merely another subject in school. Reading is the foundation upon which all learning rests. A child who struggles to read struggles to learn history, science, mathematics, and civics. A young person who cannot effectively read and analyze complex information faces barriers to college completion, workforce success, and informed participation in our democracy.
That is why the growing literacy crisis is fundamentally an opportunity crisis. Behind every percentage point is a child whose future opportunities hang in the balance. Persistent achievement gaps mean that Black and Latino students continue to bear a disproportionate share of the consequences when reading instruction falls short. If we are serious about economic mobility and educational justice, literacy must be at the center of the conversation.
For more than two decades, many schools embraced Balanced Literacy approaches that sought to cultivate a love of reading by putting books in students’ hands and encouraging independent reading. The approach was well-intentioned, but too often foundational skills instruction, particularly phonics and decoding, suffered.
The evidence is increasingly clear that explicit, systematic instruction helps more children become successful readers. States and school districts that are embracing these principles deserve credit for moving in the right direction. But millions of students are already in middle school, high school, and even college struggling to read complicated texts, analyze difficult arguments, and complete entire books.
What is our plan for them?
Too many students arrive in high school lacking the reading stamina necessary to engage deeply with literature, history, or complex informational texts. College professors increasingly describe students who struggle with lengthy assignments that previous generations navigated more comfortably.
To be clear, Balanced Literacy alone cannot explain these trends. Increased screen time, constant digital distractions, shortened attention spans, and the dominance of algorithm-driven content all influence students’ reading habits and learning experiences.
Yet recognizing these factors cannot become an excuse for inaction.
Instead, it should compel us to think more broadly about literacy.
The challenge before us is not simply helping children sound out words. It is helping them develop the capacity to wrestle with complex ideas, sustain attention, evaluate evidence, and build knowledge through reading. It is helping them become informed citizens and lifelong learners.
And that requires a comprehensive, systemic strategy.
We need high-quality literacy instruction beginning in early childhood settings and extending throughout elementary school. We need to strengthen early intervention so that struggling readers receive support before learning gaps become entrenched. We must carefully examine the quality and effectiveness of programs serving our youngest learners, including Head Start and other early childhood initiatives.
At the same time, we need a national commitment to literacy recovery for older students. Districts and states should be developing evidence-based strategies that help adolescents strengthen comprehension, vocabulary, knowledge-building, and engagement with complex texts. Students who fell behind during the pandemic and those who continue to struggle deserve intensive support, not lowered expectations.
We should also have serious conversations about the role of technology in children’s lives. Restricting unnecessary screen exposure, particularly in the early grades, should be part of a broader effort to rebuild reading habits and attention spans that support learning.
More concerning than the decline in reading scores is the absence of a clear, large-scale strategy to address the growing crisis. Every year that a struggling reader falls further behind increases the likelihood that they will face lifelong educational and economic disadvantages.
The recent reading results from New York City are a warning. The national NAEP results are an even louder one. Together, they tell us that incremental change is not enough.
We know more about how children learn to read than ever before. We know that literacy is the gateway to opportunity. What remains to be seen is whether we have the collective will to act with the urgency this moment demands.
Our children cannot afford for us to wait.
Based on reporting by Jackson Advocate.
Art
Peter Magubane: a Camera Against Apartheid
THE POSITIVE COMMUNITY — Peter Magubane, a pioneering South African photographer, dedicated his life to documenting the realities of apartheid. Born in 1932, Magubane began his career at Drum magazine in 1954, initially as a driver before becoming a photographer.
Peter Magubane was more than a photographer. He was a witness, storyteller, historian and courageous chronicler of one of the most turbulent periods in South African history. Born on January 18, 1932, in Vrededorp, Johannesburg, and raised in Sophiatown, Magubane discovered photography as a young boy after receiving a Kodak Brownie camera. That simple camera would eventually become his instrument for documenting the lives, struggles and determination of Black South Africans. He died on January 1, 2024, at the age of 91, leaving behind one of the most important photographic archives of South Africa’s apartheid era.
Magubane’s professional journey began at Drum magazine in 1954. He initially worked as a driver and messenger, but his ambition was to become a photographer. Under the mentorship of Drum’s legendary chief photographer Jürgen Schadeberg, Magubane developed his skills and began photographing major political and social events. His first significant assignment involved covering the 1955 African National Congress convention. From that point forward, photography became his way of documenting a country undergoing enormous change.
The South Africa that Magubane photographed was governed by apartheid, a system that legally enforced racial segregation and discrimination. For Black South Africans, everyday life was shaped by restrictions on where they could live, work and travel. Magubane did not limit himself to photographing politicians or famous leaders. He photographed ordinary people—children, workers, families and communities—giving the outside world a visual record of what apartheid meant in everyday life.
One of the defining moments of Magubane’s career came in 1960, when he photographed the aftermath of the Sharpeville Massacre. His photographs helped bring international attention to the violence surrounding resistance to apartheid. He also photographed the 1956 women’s anti-pass march, the Rivonia Trial involving Nelson Mandela and other activists, and numerous other events that became part of South Africa’s historical record.
Magubane paid an enormous personal price for his work. In 1969, he was arrested while photographing protesters outside Pretoria Central Prison. He was subsequently held in solitary confinement for 586 days. After his release, the apartheid government placed him under a banning order that severely restricted his ability to work and move freely. Yet the restrictions did not convince him to abandon photography. Instead, they demonstrated just how powerful the authorities believed his photographs could be.
In 1976, Magubane documented the Soweto Uprising, when thousands of Black students protested against the apartheid government’s education policies. His photographs captured young people confronting police violence and became some of the most internationally recognized images of the uprising. Despite the danger, Magubane continued photographing what was happening around him. His work transformed individual moments of protest into permanent historical evidence that could not easily be erased.
His creativity was matched by his determination to get the picture. Because authorities restricted photographers and attempted to prevent journalists from documenting certain events, Magubane sometimes concealed his camera in unusual places, including a hollowed-out Bible, bread and other objects. These methods allowed him to continue working when openly carrying a camera could attract police attention. His photographs demonstrated that documentary photography sometimes requires not only technical ability but extraordinary courage and resourcefulness.
After Nelson Mandela was released from prison in 1990, Magubane entered another important chapter of his career. He became Mandela’s official photographer and documented the transition toward democracy, including significant moments surrounding South Africa’s first democratic election and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The photographer who had spent decades documenting resistance now had the opportunity to photograph a country moving toward a new political era.
Magubane’s legacy extends far beyond the individual photographs he made. He published numerous books, exhibited internationally and received major honors, including an honorary Doctor of Literature from the University of Cape Town in 2010. His photographs remain part of the historical record because they show not only the brutality of apartheid but also the humanity, resilience and determination of the people who lived through it.
Peter Magubane ultimately demonstrated the extraordinary power of photography. He understood that a photograph can preserve a moment long after the people who witnessed it are gone. His camera recorded injustice, resistance, suffering, courage and eventually freedom. For photographers today, his life offers an enduring lesson: photography is not simply about making beautiful pictures—it can also be about seeing clearly, standing close to history and making sure that important stories are never forgotten. Magubane’s photographs gave South Africa a visual memory, and his life’s work reminds every photographer that sometimes the most important picture is the one that history needs someone brave enough to make.
Based on reporting by The Positive Community.
Black History
HBCU Leaders, Corporate Partners Convene in D.C. to Strengthen Support for Black Colleges’ Athletic Programs
COLUMBUS TIMES — HBCU athletic conference commissioners, university presidents, and corporate leaders gathered in Washington on Tuesday, September 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception. This invitation-only event, hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, aimed to deepen investment in historically Black colleges and universities.
Commissioners from HBCU athletic conferences joined university presidents and corporate leaders in Washington on Tuesday, Sept. 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception — an invitation-only gathering aimed at deepening investment in historically Black colleges and universities.
Hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, the evening brought together conference commissioners, campus presidents, and executives from sports, media and design organizations under the theme “Building Partnerships. Celebrating Excellence. Advancing HBCUs.” Gensler highlighted its partnership with Paxton Baker on the event in a post on Instagram, showcasing the room full of HBCU presidents and conference leaders.
Five Conferences, One Room
Commissioners from four NCAA conferences and one NAIA conference were on hand, representing institutions that compete across Division I, Division II and the NAIA:
Anthony Holloman — Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference Charles McClelland — Southwestern Athletic Conference Jacqie McWilliams Parker — Central Intercollegiate Athletic Association Sonja Stills — Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference Kiki Baker Barnes — HBCU Athletic Conference
Their presence linked leadership from across the HBCU athletics landscape with campus administrators and organizations working in event management, design and media.
Presidents and Black Press Leadership in the Room
Among the university presidents in attendance were Prairie View A&M’s Tomikia P. LeGrande and Bowie State’s Aminta H. Breaux.
LeGrande’s appearance came just days after the Thurgood Marshall College Fund named her the recipient of its Educational Leadership Award, as announced by Prairie View A&M. She was honored at TMCF’s 39th Anniversary Gala on Sept. 12 in Washington. LeGrande has served as Prairie View A&M’s ninth president since June 2023.
Breaux, who has led Bowie State since July 2017, previously chaired the CIAA’s board of directors, according to her university biography.
Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., president and CEO of the National Newspaper Publishers Association, also attended — fitting, given the NNPA’s role as one of the reception’s presenting partners. Chavis and HBCU GO’s Lawrencia Moten conducted two 30-minute interview sessions with the conference commissioners, covering topics ranging from the NIL era to conference growth and the experience of leading HBCU athletics, according to HBCU GO President Curtis Symonds, who spoke with HBCU Legends about the sessions.
Corporate and Institutional Partners
Five organizations presented the reception together:
Gensler — the architecture and design firm that hosted the event Events DC — the District’s convention and sports authority USA Track & Field — the sport’s national governing body National Newspaper Publishers Association — representing Black newspaper publishers HBCU GO — the network dedicated to HBCU sports and culture
That mix of partners pointed to a range of possible collaborations ahead, from athletic facilities and event operations to sports programming and media coverage.
Building Beyond the Scoreboard
What stood out most was the mix of people in the room — conference commissioners setting strategy for their leagues, university presidents shaping institutional priorities, and corporate partners bringing resources and expertise from multiple industries.
With college athletics undergoing rapid change, particularly for HBCUs navigating the NIL era and shifting conference dynamics, the reception offered a venue for candid conversation and relationship-building. Its underlying purpose went beyond athletics: using sports as an entry point to broader opportunities in education, workforce development and economic growth for HBCUs.
Based on reporting by Columbus Times.
Black History
At CBCF Conference, a Panel Asks What Black Public Figures Owe the People Who Follow Them
COLUMBUS TIMES — The Congressional Black Caucus Foundation’s Annual Legislative Conference featured a panel titled “Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach.” Actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét, and rapper Yung Joc discussed how public figures can translate influence into real-world change.
WASHINGTON — Among the more than 100 policy forums and brain trusts at this year’s Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Annual Legislative Conference was a conversation about influence itself: who has it, and what they do with it.
"Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach" brought together actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét and rapper and radio host Yung Joc. The session looked at how entertainers, creators and elected officials can turn public attention into real-world change.
The panel took place at the 55th Annual Legislative Conference, a five-day event in Washington that began Wednesday. This year’s theme is "Rooted, Ready & Rising," and the conference coincides with the CBC Foundation’s 50th anniversary. CBCF President and CEO Nicole Austin-Hillery has said the gathering is meant to "combine celebration with purpose," while taking up issues including voting rights, economic opportunity, education, health disparities and criminal justice.
That mix of celebrity and policy is a long-running feature of the conference, which brings lawmakers, advocates, entrepreneurs, students and entertainers into the same rooms. The panel’s premise reflects a broader question as creators reach audiences that rival traditional media.
A career built on both stage and street
Sampson is a natural fit for that conversation. The Houston native is known for television and film work, including HBO’s Insecure, and for his activism off screen. He co-founded BLD PWR, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that combines entertainment, education and activism.
The organization says its mission is to "reimagine and realize the liberated future we know our people deserve." It works to mobilize entertainment-industry figures and organize communities around racial, gender, immigration, economic and environmental justice, mental health and wellness, and opposition to state violence. BLD PWR emphasizes storytelling and community healing, and it centers the voices of Black, Indigenous and other marginalized communities.
What to watch
The conference runs through Sunday at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center. Details on sessions and registration are available through the CBC Foundation.
Based on reporting by Columbus Times.
Black Press
Clickbait: the Toll of a Bad Headline
SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY – SOUTHERNDIGEST — Southern University is widely known for its Human Jukebox, a celebrated part of HBCU culture. However, the university also boasts a highly-ranked nursing school, recognized by Nurse.org as the best in the U.S. for two consecutive years, with a 100% first-time pass rate on a national certification exam in 2025.
Ask someone outside of Louisiana what they know about Southern University, and there is a good chance the conversation will eventually lead to HBCU culture and the Human Jukebox. And rightfully so. The Human Jukebox has earned its reputation through generations of hard work, discipline and excellence. It represents more than halftime entertainment; it is part of the heart of Southern University and HBCU culture. But after the Jukebox, what comes next? That is where Southern has a public relations problem.
Southern University is home to a nursing school that was named Best Nursing School in the United States by Nurse.org for the second consecutive year in 2026. The program also reported a 100% first-time pass rate on the 2025 American Academy of Nurse Practitioners certification examination. Accomplishments like those should be just as inseparable from Southern’s name as its band and culture.
Instead, Southern’s positive story is too often forced to compete with another narrative: housing shortages, unanswered questions, aging infrastructure, power outages and the familiar feeling among students that something else has gone wrong. The recent power outages made that especially difficult to ignore.
Southern lost power on Sept. 1, forcing classes to be canceled. Days later, another outage affected campus operations, eventually leading the university to close campus for multiple days and shift classes remotely. Students told local news stations about losing food, struggling without air conditioning and Wi-Fi, and trying to keep up with schoolwork while the campus dealt with electrical problems. Watching frustrated students explain their experiences to local reporters made me ask a simple question: Is this bad PR? At first, I thought the answer was obvious. Communication during the outage felt too slow. Students wanted to know when power would return, whether classes would continue and when campus life would return to normal. When information is limited, rumors fill the gap. One person says the power is back. Someone else says it went back out. Students begin relying on each other before they rely on the institution. But learning more about what happens behind the scenes complicated my original opinion.
The people responsible for communicating cannot simply release whatever information is circulating. They may be waiting on utility companies, facilities officials, emergency management or university leadership to confirm what is actually happening. Publishing an estimate that turns out to be wrong can create even more confusion. That does not mean communication should stop.
There is a difference between saying, “We don’t know,” and saying nothing. Even when there is no new information, students can still be told that there is no new information. An update saying officials are still waiting for confirmation, explaining what is currently known and telling students when to expect another update creates something extremely important during a crisis: certainty about the communication process, even when there is uncertainty about the situation itself.
But the more I thought about “Bad PR?” the more I realized Southern’s problem is bigger than how quickly an email goes out. Public relations cannot turn the electricity back on. It cannot build a residence hall overnight. It cannot make every office answer its phone. It cannot win a football game. At some point, an institution’s reputation has to be supported by the institution itself.
Southern entered Fall 2026 with campus housing completely occupied and its housing waitlist at capacity. The university is responding by moving forward with new housing that is expected to add approximately 850 beds. That investment matters. But it also represents a larger pattern Southern cannot afford to continue: waiting until a problem becomes part of the student experience before the solution becomes visible. Southern cannot continuously rely on the resilience of its students as part of its operating model.
There is almost a collective “struggle bus” mentality that can develop on campus. Something is broken. Something is delayed. Another office is not answering. Another unexpected problem appears. But at least we are still here, getting our education and figuring it out. Southern certainly develops character. But students should not have to develop character by constantly learning to navigate problems that an evolving university should be working to eliminate.
That is especially important because Southern does not exist in isolation. Across Baton Rouge sits LSU, one of the most recognizable universities in the state. Comparisons between the two institutions are almost inevitable, whether those comparisons are fair or not. Southern should not try to become LSU. It should become the strongest possible version of Southern.
There is something different about attending an HBCU. There is value in entering classrooms where students who look like you can be recognized for their intelligence without first having to prove that they belong there. There is value in being surrounded by people who may come from completely different backgrounds while sharing an experience rooted in Black history, culture and achievement. Southern has that. It has legacy. It has culture. It has nationally recognized programs. It has students worth celebrating. It has one of the most recognizable bands in college culture. The problem is not that Southern lacks a brand. Southern’s problem is keeping that legacy intact while building an institution capable of carrying it into the future. Construction around campus shows that change is happening. New housing is coming. Infrastructure is being addressed. But physical construction cannot be the only visible evidence of progress. Students should be able to experience that evolution in customer service, communication, technology, facilities and the everyday systems they depend on.
The Human Jukebox does not need less recognition. The rest of Southern needs to reach the same standard of excellence that makes the Jukebox so easy to celebrate. If Southern wants to control its narrative nationally, the answer cannot simply be better marketing whenever something goes wrong. Southern already has the story.
The nursing students achieving nationally recognized results are part of the story. The students earning degrees are part of the story. The culture is part of the story. The Jukebox is part of the story. The history and generations of alumni are part of the story.
But so are the outages, housing frustrations and institutional problems students experience. Public relations can decide how a story is communicated, but it cannot permanently separate reputation from reality. Maybe Southern does not have a “bad PR” problem after all. Maybe Southern has an institution with an incredibly strong brand that is sometimes being asked to carry more weight than it should. If Southern truly wants to control its narrative, that work cannot begin and end with a press release. It has to begin within.
Based on reporting by Southern University – SouthernDIGEST.
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