Families across the country are opening their monthly utility bills with a growing sense of dread. Groceries cost more. Rent costs more. Now electricity has become one more expense pushing household budgets to the breaking point, and for many in the Black community – as usual – the squeeze is being felt hardest of all.

Residential electricity prices are expected to average more than 18 cents per kilowatt-hour in 2026, about 5 percent higher than last year, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. At the same time, demand for power is climbing fast as the nation adds data centers, factories, and other large energy users. And consumers remain exposed to a market rattled by global conflict and swings in fuel prices.

These costs do not land on everyone equally. For a family with little left over at the end of the month, even a modest jump in the light bill means less for food, transportation or medicine. Low-income households spend three times more of their income on energy than other households, and Black households spend 43 percent more than white households, according to the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy.

The question every public official should be asking, then, is simple: How does America add the reliable electricity it needs while keeping costs down for the families least able to absorb them?

Instead, a group of state attorneys general has chosen a very different fight.

In November 2024, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton sued three of the nation’s largest asset managers, BlackRock, State Street and Vanguard, and was joined by a coalition of other states. The lawsuit claims the firms bought up large stakes in major coal producers and then used their influence as shareholders to pressure those companies to cut production in pursuit of climate goals. The attorneys general argue this restricted coal supply, raised coal prices and, in the end, raised electricity prices for consumers.

Paxton and his colleagues have presented the case as a way to bring down power bills. But when Paxton’s office announced its settlement with Vanguard, it billed the deal as an agreement “to protect the coal industry.” That wording tells us a great deal about whose interests are really at the center of this case.

Attorneys general have only so much time, staff, and money. Every hour spent on litigation against investment firms is an hour not spent on the problems that actually drive up household energy costs: transmission bottlenecks, permitting delays, an aging grid, energy efficiency and the shortage of new power generation.

There is actually an even deeper problem with making coal the centerpiece of an affordability strategy. Coal has been losing ground in the marketplace for decades.

Around 1990, coal supplied more than half of the nation’s electricity. By 2025, its share had fallen to about 17 percent. Most of that decline came from competition, chiefly cheaper natural gas, along with the growth of renewable energy and tougher environmental rules. In the first three months of 2026 alone, coal plant output fell 11 percent from a year earlier, while renewable generation grew. And this summer, Lazard’s annual analysis found renewables remain the lowest-cost option for new power plants, even as existing plants have become more competitive and continue to provide real value to the grid.

Coal’s decline did not begin with Wall Street, investment policies or the climate movement. It is the result of decades of change in America’s energy economy. Where a coal plant remains affordable and necessary to keep the lights on, utilities should keep running it. But keeping a useful plant open is very different from treating the survival of an entire industry as public policy. If other sources can provide power more cheaply, government has no business shielding coal from that competition.

For Black communities, the cost of coal does not stop at the utility bill. Burning coal produces air pollution and coal ash that must be managed, and the Environmental Protection Agency notes that coal ash contains contaminants like mercury, cadmium, and arsenic. A landmark NAACP study found that the roughly 6 million people living near coal plants had lower average incomes than the nation as a whole, and that people of color made up a majority of those living near the worst polluters. Too many of our neighborhoods carry both burdens at once: high energy bills and a greater share of the pollution. Any policy that claims to help consumers should account for both sides of that ledger.

The truth is that families do not much care whether the power running their refrigerator comes from a coal plant, a natural gas facility, or a wind farm. They care that it is there when they need it and that they can afford to pay for it.

Critics of environmental policy often complain that government should not pick winners and losers in energy markets. That principle should apply evenly. Financial firms should not be allowed to break antitrust laws in pursuit of climate goals. But government should be just as cautious about using its power to guarantee coal a permanent place in the market. Coal, natural gas, nuclear, wind, solar, battery storage, and new technologies should all compete on cost, reliability, and what the grid needs.

The real challenge before the nation is building enough reliable power, and building it quickly. Clinging to coal’s past, especially through the courts, does nothing to solve that.

At a time when so many Americans are struggling just to pay bills, it is fair to ask why state officials are pouring so much energy into protecting one industry. Attorneys general should be working to make power more plentiful and more affordable. Families facing economic hardships deserve more than to be invoked as props in a political fight between government officials and some of the world’s largest financial institutions.

Based on reporting by Our Weekly Los Angeles / Our Weekly Antelope Valley.

The upcoming race for the Texas Attorney General seat in the midterm elections will be slightly different from previous election cycles. For nearly three decades, Republicans have controlled the attorney general’s office. And for the first time in more than a decade, Texans will elect an attorney general who is not Ken Paxton.

The role comes with a salary of $153,750.

Paxton, who has held the office since 2015 and was impeached by the Texas House in 2023 on corruption-related charges before being acquitted in a Senate trial, is not seeking reelection, leaving an open seat that pits Republican State Senator Mayes Middleton against Democratic State Senator Nathan Johnson. Libertarian Tom Oxford and Omer Khwaja (independent) are also running.

In a sit-down interview with the Defender, Johnson explained his campaign priorities. Middleton’s campaign team did not respond to the Defender’s request for an interview for this article.

Q & A with Johnson

Middleton casts himself as the natural successor to a conservative office, while Johnson argues that the office itself has been eroded and needs to be restored, regardless of who wins in November.

“The office has lost the trust of the people,” Johnson said in an interview. “It’s partly due to recent scandals with Ken Paxton…it’s been a systematic loss of trust dating back probably before Ken Paxton… People expect the Attorney General’s office to be a productive place. It’s there to protect them from federal overreach, corruption in politics, and abuse in the commercial sector. All of those things have been sidelined.”

Johnson has represented Senate District 16 since 2019. A lawyer with a physics degree from the University of Arizona and a law degree from the University of Texas at Austin, he has worked as a litigator and mediator.

The Democratic nominee argues his legal background shapes how he views the attorney general’s job. His career choices have spanned the Texas Capitol and music studios. The lawmaker’s résumé also includes composing music for “Dragon Ball Z.”

What are his plans?

Stating plans for the office if elected, Johnson said he expects to sue federal government agencies if they violate the Administrative Procedure Act or overstep constitutional bounds, citing, as one example, the administration’s withholding of federal education funding appropriated for Texas schools, which other states’ Democratic attorneys general have already challenged in court.

Asked to back up his campaign priorities in healthcare and the electric grid, Johnson pointed to Senate Bill 1296, a 2021 measure Johnson authored. It asked for a review of the insurance plans offered to Texans through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace to reduce net premiums and make health insurance more affordable for uninsured residents.

Having served on the Business and Commerce Committee, which has jurisdiction over the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) and the Public Utility Commission of Texas (PUC), Johnson has filed legislation on the electrical grid load growth. Pointing to the grid, he noted a dearth of steel and transformers needed to keep it running.

He also plans to review the Texas consumer-protection law for gaps related to AI-driven scams and data privacy, if elected.

Johnson’s stated priorities include suing sanctuary cities, aggressively enforcing federal deportation orders, defending the state’s abortion restrictions, opposing transgender participation in women’s sports, cracking down on what he calls “rogue” district attorneys, enforcing Texas voter ID laws, and pursuing a “DOGE Texas” initiative aimed at rooting out government waste. Notably, Middleton voted to acquit Paxton during his 2023 impeachment trial in the Senate.

Election history in Texas points to a trend that favors Middleton.

The #1 law my Democrat opponent says he will not enforce is the Women’s Privacy Act I passed.

It’s common sense that men should not be in girl’s restrooms and locker rooms. As Attorney General, I will fight to enforce this law and make sure Texas is the best and safest state… https://t.co/tSWGu0AGqw

— Mayes Middleton (@mayes_middleton) August 27, 2026

An uphill statewide race

No Democrat has won a statewide contest in Texas since 1994, and the attorney general’s office in particular has been in Republican hands since Democrat Dan Morales left office in the late 1990s. John Cornyn flipped the seat for the GOP in 1998, defeating Democrat Jim Mattox, and it has stayed red through Greg Abbott’s tenure and Paxton’s three terms. Both campaigns are treating the election history as something to either defend or break.

The 2026 election will test whether the streak of Republican candidate wins continues.

Johnson, however, said in the interview that he has heard similar arguments about political odds before.

When he first ran for the Texas Senate in 2018, Johnson challenged Republican incumbent Don Huffines in a district Johnson said was expected to favor Republicans by 12 points.

“I had no connections. I didn’t have money, name ID, wasn’t famous,” Johnson said. “But I felt like I could beat him.”

The race was “written off until very, very late in the cycle” before he won by eight points, he added, “And I aim to pull off a similar result this time around on a statewide basis.”

What do Black voters think of Johnson?

A new poll by Texas Southern University’s Barbara Jordan Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs, which surveyed more than 500 Black Texans, 20% of those surveyed favor Johnson, and 8% do not, while an overwhelming majority of 72% do not know enough about him.

Johnson says he is looking to change that by visiting historic Black communities in Houston.

“I’m visiting and engaging with communities right now, particularly in the Black community, where there’s no one on the statewide system,” Johnson told the Defender. “It’s very important for Black voters to feel like there’s someone who listens to them, who talks to them, and who understands what’s happening, who directs their interest.”

Based on reporting by Houston Defender.

By Rev. Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr.

Every month, mothers in Southeast Washington, DC, as well as other mothers from across the nation, open their electric bill. They do the math they have done a hundred times before: What gets paid, and what gets pushed to next month.

Throughout this country, in underserved Black, Brown, and White communities from Anacostia to Newark, to Raleigh-Durham, to Detroit, St. Louis, and to Los Angeles, electricity costs are quietly becoming one of the most regressive taxes in America. And now is the time for the leaders who are best positioned to exercise carpe diem “seize the day.”

That is why I have to say, as a lifelong Democrat and someone who has spent decades fighting for economic justice in underserved communities: our party must rethink and put forward bold proposals that build the energy infrastructure this country needs. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) recently voted, unanimously and on a bipartisan basis, to help address the rising electricity cost crisis.

FERC’s reform would modernize its “blanket certificate” program, a permitting shortcut that lets natural gas projects under a defined limit move forward without the yearslong case-by-case review required for major pipelines. The cost caps that define what counts as a blanket certificate project have not been updated since 2006.

Construction costs have risen dramatically since then. FERC’s fix simply brings those caps in line with today’s costs, so routine upgrades like compressor station expansions and storage improvements do not get stuck in the same slow lane as massive new pipelines. This is basic maintenance of a regulatory system that stopped making sense.

Notably, it was not just Republican commissioners who signed off. Climate-focused commissioners like former undersecretary of energy and climate solutions for Massachusetts Judy Chang, nominated by President Biden, voted for it too because she understands that getting more supply online, safely and efficiently, is part of how you keep prices in check for working families.

Unfortunately, a group of Democratic attorneys general, led by Washington and Massachusetts, has filed comments opposing this reform. I understand their rationale and where they are coming from. Nobody wants to see corners cut on environmental review. I am also a lifelong advocate for environmental justice. I take environmental matters seriously because pollution and infrastructure burdens have been borne disproportionately by underserved communities.

In this case a comprehensive look at the actual record is warranted. The reform keeps full environmental review in place for any major project. It only speeds up the routine work. And look at the results in the very states raising the alarm. Since 2020, residential electricity prices have risen 73.7 percent in Washington, D.C., 65.3 percent in Maine, 59.1percent in California, 49.7 percent in Maryland, and 43.7 percent in New York.

These are almost entirely blue states, many of them home to the same officials now advocating, rightfully so, for faster infrastructure build-out. Meanwhile, Michigan, a swing state carrying real weight for working-class and Black families, has seen a painful 23.1 percent increase in electrical power costs.

President Donald Trump’s economic record has been a disaster for working families, from tariffs that raised costs on everyday goods to policies that have done nothing to bring down the price of energy, housing, or groceries. Democrats have a real opening to be the party that delivers affordability, not just the party that promises it.

That means supporting a comprehensive and bold energy strategy- gas, renewables, nuclear, and offshore wind- that gets supply moving to meet rising demand instead of an older model during a pre-technology era where being cautious against anything with the word “gas” in it had some merit.

I respect and appreciate the attorneys general raising these concerns. Debating is healthy. So, I hope they will be open to debate and look again at what this reform does. Underserved communities cannot afford another decade of good intentions and rising bills. Our leaders from these communities must continue the fight for lower prices with the same energy we bring to fighting for justice. Working families have the same fight to improve the quality of life for all.

Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr, is President and CEO of the National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) and is Executive Producer/Host of The Chavis Chronicles (TCC) on PBS TV network across the nation, and can be reached at [email protected]

ARLINGTON — Framing affordability as the defining issue facing Texas families, Democratic U.S. Senate nominee James Talarico unveiled what he called “A New American Dream” Wednesday night, introducing an economic platform centered on lowering household costs, strengthening workers’ rights and expanding access to housing, healthcare and education.

Speaking before a crowd of more than 1,300 supporters in Arlington, Talarico argued that rising prices, stagnant wages and growing wealth inequality have placed the American dream further out of reach for working families. Throughout the speech, he returned to a central message that Texans who “work hard and play by the rules” should be able to afford a home, raise a family and retire with dignity.

Local leaders set the stage

Before Talarico took the stage, several Texas political leaders addressed the audience.

Congressman Marc Veasey encouraged attendees to remain engaged through Election Day, followed by Tarrant County District Attorney candidate Tiffany Burks, who is seeking to become the county’s top prosecutor in November. Republican former Tarrant County Judge Glen Whitley also spoke, criticizing Republican Senate nominee Ken Paxton and urging voters to consider a different direction for the state. Arlington Mayor Jim Ross, who has described himself as an independent, welcomed attendees before introducing Talarico and thanking residents for participating in the event. Talarico opened his remarks by recognizing each speaker and announcing the launch of his statewide “New American Dream Tour.”

Making affordability the centerpiece

Talarico opened the policy rollout with the story of a Houston airport worker named Augusta, whom he described as working long hours while struggling to afford rent and care for her grandson with autism.

He used her story to argue that many Texans are working full time but remain unable to cover basic necessities because wages have failed to keep pace with the cost of housing, healthcare and other essentials. He contrasted today’s economy with what he described as the stronger middle class of previous generations, when homeownership, higher education and retirement were more attainable for working families.

Raising wages and cutting costs

A significant portion of the proposal focused on increasing workers’ earnings while reducing financial pressures on households.

Among Talarico’s proposals are raising the federal minimum wage, expanding overtime protections, repealing tax breaks that primarily benefit the wealthiest Americans and redirecting those savings into cost-of-living tax relief for middle-class families. He also proposed lowering taxes for small businesses rather than multinational corporations and strengthening labor unions to help workers negotiate higher wages, better benefits and safer workplaces.

For many families across South Dallas and North Texas, where inflation and housing costs continue to strain household budgets, those proposals were presented as a way to increase take-home pay while supporting locally owned businesses.

Tackling debt, housing and healthcare

Talarico also outlined several proposals aimed at reducing personal debt.

His plan calls for canceling medical debt, limiting excessive hospital billing, capping high credit card interest rates and expanding access to college and career education without long-term student debt. He also proposed reducing the federal deficit by closing billionaire tax loopholes, cracking down on tax fraud and reducing spending tied to prolonged overseas conflicts.

Housing affordability also featured prominently in the speech.

Talarico proposed reducing federal barriers to new home construction and creating down payment assistance for first-time homebuyers. He paired those proposals with calls for universal childcare, paid family leave, permanent expansion of the Child Tax Credit and continued protection of Medicare and Social Security.

Energy and technology

On energy, Talarico rejected an either-or approach, describing Texas as both the nation’s leading oil and gas producer and its largest generator of wind and solar energy.

Instead, he proposed maintaining partnerships with the state’s traditional energy industry while expanding renewable energy investment, arguing that Texas can remain an energy leader through an “all-of-the-above” strategy.

He also addressed artificial intelligence and the rapid growth of data centers across Texas, an issue increasingly affecting North Texas communities.

His proposals include stricter oversight of large data centers over concerns about electricity demand and water consumption, while also calling for an “AI dividend” that would allow Americans to benefit financially from advances in artificial intelligence. He further proposed expanding entrepreneurship grants for small business owners, inventors and artists seeking startup capital.

Framing the election

Closing the speech, Talarico returned to the campaign’s central message that economic opportunity should be available to every Texan willing to work.

He pledged to reject corporate PAC money and argued that the election is ultimately about lowering costs, raising wages and making homeownership, education and retirement more attainable for working families.

The Arlington event marked the first stop of Talarico’s statewide “New American Dream Tour,” which the campaign says will continue with additional events across Texas in the coming weeks.

The post Talarico pitches ‘A New American Dream’ as economic agenda centers workers, affordability appeared first on Dallas Weekly.

Based on reporting by The Dallas Weekly.

By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

California residents purchasing their first zero-emission vehicle will soon be eligible for an instant rebate of up to $3,500 under a new state program aimed at making electric vehicles more affordable.

Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Senate Bill (SB) 168 on July 16, creating the MyFirstEV program as part of California’s 2026-27 state budget. The initiative dedicates $135.5 million in state funding for point-of-sale rebates, which participating automakers will match dollar for dollar. State officials said the combined investment will provide $270 million in savings for first-time electric vehicle buyers.

Beginning later this summer, eligible Californians can receive a $3,500 rebate on new zero-emission vehicles with a manufacturer’s suggested retail price of up to $50,000. Buyers purchasing qualifying used electric vehicles priced at up to $25,000 can receive a $1,750 rebate. The rebate will be applied directly at participating dealerships, allowing buyers to receive the discount immediately instead of waiting for reimbursement.

“With our new instant rebate program for electric vehicles, we’re making it easier for families to drive clean, breathe clean, and keep more money in their pockets,” Newsom said in a statement.

The MyFirstEV program is part of a broader $600 million investment in California’s clean transportation economy included in the state budget. The funding package also provides $150 million for the Community Air Protection Program, $19.8 million for the Clean Cars 4 All program for lower-income residents, $35 million for clean off-road equipment through the Air Quality Improvement Program, $135.5 million for the Clean Truck and Bus Voucher Incentive Project, and $130 million for the Carl Moyer Program to replace older heavy-duty engines with cleaner alternatives.

According to the governor’s office, the transportation investments are funded through Cap-and-Invest revenue and smog-abatement fees while maintaining a balanced state budget.

California continues to expand its zero-emission transportation network. The state surpassed 2.5 million cumulative zero-emission vehicle sales earlier this year, exceeding its original goal of 1.5 million sales by 2025. Officials also reported that California has more than 200,000 public and shared electric vehicle charging plugs statewide, in addition to an estimated 800,000 home charging stations.

By Dax Janel Valencia

Cases of occupational heat stress among Black workers can rise faster as temperatures soar due to their disproportionate concentration in outdoor and unconditioned jobs. More Black (than white) people work in strenuous environments with high climate risks, such as construction and agriculture.

Given those risks, Black workers need better protections from heat stress, even more so now that the hot season is lengthening and extreme heat events are on the rise. The Weather Channel even reports that in some areas, summers are now one month longer compared to 1990.

What Is Occupational Heat Stress? 

Occupational heat stress refers to the buildup of body heat, the accumulation of which results from a combination of:

• Hot working environments
• Heavy protective clothing
• Strenuous labor or physical activity

The simultaneous presence of all those factors causes the body’s natural cooling system (perspiration through vasodilation and sweat evaporation) to fail.

What Are the Signs of Occupational Heat Stress? 

Occupational heat stress can lead to more serious heat-related illnesses (HRIs). As noted by an ABC News article, heat is behind an estimated 70,000 people visiting emergency rooms and 10,000 requiring hospitalization. Throughout 2023 alone, HRIs were behind 119,605 emergency room visits. 

Considering the dangers of occupational heat stress, everyone, including Black workers, should never leave it unaddressed and be familiar with its signs and indications instead. 

Heat Rash

Heat rash is usually an early sign of occupational heat stress, often appearing as a cluster of small, red, and itchy bumps. In some people, it can manifest as clear but fluid-filled blisters. 

Heat Syncope

Often characterized by dizziness or fainting, heat syncope is a result of overheating. It usually occurs after standing still in the heat for prolonged periods. 

Heat Cramps

Heat cramps are a type of HRI that occurs when the body loses too much sodium (salt) due to heavy sweating. Often accompanied by heavy sweating, they include painful cramps or spasms affecting the:

• Abdomen
• Arms
• Legs

Heat Exhaustion

Heat cramps can progress to exhaustion, resulting from even more water and sodium loss through perspiration. Being more dangerous than heat cramps, Black workers must beware the following signs of heat exhaustion:

• Clammy, flushed, or pale skin
• Heavy sweating
• Weakness
• Dizziness
• Nausea
• Headaches
• Rapid and shallow breathing
• Vomiting
• Fainting

Why Can Occupational Heat Stress Cases Rise Among Black Workers as Temperatures Soar? 

An article on Drugs.com cited a recent research letter that found an increase in HRI hospitalization rates in the United States. It also noted that the highest rates occurred among Black adults. 

One reason behind Black Americans’ elevated heat safety risks is that, compared to White Americans, more Black workers are in fields with high climate-related hazards.

The Center for American Progress (CAP), for instance, reports that extreme heat disproportionately affects communities of color. It also notes that the most vulnerable workers, including Black people, face disproportionate exposure to hazardous working conditions, such as extreme heat. 

Many from the Black community are outdoor workers, notably at risk of occupational heat stress. Examples include:

• Construction workers
• Farmers
• Firefighters

As the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication points out, there are an estimated 32 million U.S. outdoor workers, and they’re particularly likely to be male and Black or Hispanic/Latino.

How Employers Can Help Protect Black Workers From Occupational Heat Stress

With workers from the Black community facing elevated climate-related job risks, employers must be more proactive in implementing heat stress prevention strategies and safety policies. It’s a win-win situation for everyone involved, as workers can stay safe, healthy, and productive.

As for employers, having happy and healthy workers can help: 

• Boost the company’s bottom line
• Prevent non-compliance
• Maintain a corporate culture of inclusivity and wellness for everyone

Employers can achieve such goals with the following safety strategies. 

Providing Water, Shade, and Rest Areas 

Employers should provide workers with easy, constant access to cool, potable water, shade, and climate-controlled rest areas. There should be friendly reminders for hot environment workers to take frequent breaks and refresh themselves with one cup of water every 15 to 20 minutes. 

Making Heat Safety Training and Education Accessible 

Employers should incorporate heat stress education as part of their employee safety training programs. Such courses educate workers on: 

• Recognizing signs and symptoms of heat stress and HRIs
• Reducing risks by knowing the causes of HRIs
• Taking proper care by using heat-protective clothing and equipment
• Acclimatizing and its crucial roles in preventing heat stress and HRIs
• The steps to take at the first sign of heat stress or HRI, including first-aid administration

Enforcing the Buddy System

The buddy system for employees who work outdoors or in hot environments can save lives in cases of emergencies, as partners actively monitor for early signs of heat stress and HRIs. As they look out for each other, co-workers can intervene and call for help ASAP if their buddy gets too hot.

Frequently Asked Questions

How Deadly Is Occupational Heat Stress? 

Per the latest data from the National Safety Council (NSC), in the U.S., environmental heat exposure led to 48 work-related deaths in 2024. It may seem low, but they’re preventable. The NSC also noted that heat events led to 7,100 Days Away, Restricted, or Transferred (DART) cases from 2023 to 2024.

What Should You Do if You’re Experiencing Occupational Heat Stress? 

If you’re experiencing one or more symptoms of occupational heat stress, immediately stop what you’re doing. You should then move as soon as possible to a cool, shaded area or an air-conditioned room. Let a co-worker or your supervisor know about your condition.

Remove any heavy protective covering or gear you’re wearing. Take small but regular sips of cool water, and apply cold, wet cloths to your skin to bring your body temperature down to normal.

If you feel the need to vomit or think you’re going to pass out, dial 911 or ask your co-worker or supervisor to call emergency services on your behalf. 

Black Workers Must Beware Occupational Heat Stress

Occupational heat stress can be deadly for anyone, but Black workers are among those with elevated risks, as many work outdoors or in unconditioned areas. Fortunately, employers can trim these risks down with safety strategies, such as making water, shade, rest, and training more accessible. 

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