Black History
Property Is Power! What Trump’s Investor Restrictions Could Mean for Black People
MICHIGAN CHRONICLE — President Donald Trump recently addressed institutional investors’ role in the housing market, declaring that “America will not become a nation of renters” and emphasizing that “homes are built for people, not for corporations.
At the World Economic Forum in Davos, President Donald Trump raised a question that may define the future of the American housing market: Who will own the homes of the future? “America will not become a nation of renters,” Trump declared while promoting restrictions aimed at limiting certain large institutional investors’ access to federally supported mortgage financing for single-family homes. “Homes are built for people, not for corporations.”
The statement resonates because it identifies a growing anxiety in the American economy. Across the country, working families are competing not only with other prospective homeowners but with investment firms capable of making cash offers, purchasing homes in bulk and moving through transactions at a speed few ordinary buyers can match. For Black Americans, however, the question carries a deeper significance. The issue is not simply whether corporations should be allowed to purchase single-family homes. The more consequential question is whether policies intended to restrain institutional investors will create a genuine path to ownership for Black families or merely reduce one form of competition while leaving the larger barriers to homeownership intact.
For Black America, homeownership has never been only about having a place to live. It has been a means of building stability, accumulating wealth, creating inheritance, and establishing a measure of economic independence. In a country where Black families were historically excluded from landownership, denied access to many neighborhoods and subjected to discriminatory lending practices, property has represented something larger than shelter. It has represented power. That is why the future of housing cannot be separated from the future of Black wealth.
The American home has always occupied two roles: It is both a place to live and an asset capable of producing opportunity. A home can provide security, but it can also create equity that helps finance education, support retirement, start a business, or provide an inheritance to the next generation. This is the central idea behind Property is Power. Ownership gives families economic leverage. It provides choices and allows households to participate in the growth of the communities where they live rather than merely pay for the right to remain there.
Yet the housing market is increasingly shaped by institutions that view homes primarily as financial instruments. Large investors have purchased substantial numbers of single-family homes and converted many of them into long-term rental properties. Investors can bring capital to neglected neighborhoods, renovate distressed properties, and provide needed rental housing. The problem is not investment itself. The concern is what happens when ownership becomes too concentrated.
When large institutions acquire and hold substantial numbers of single-family homes, fewer properties may remain available for families seeking to buy. Those homes can become long-term rental assets, allowing institutional owners to collect rental income and benefit from future appreciation. The families living in those homes may receive the stability and flexibility of rental housing, but they generally do not build equity or share in the property’s increasing value. Over time, this can concentrate more of the wealth created by housing in the hands of large investors rather than among the households and communities where the properties are located. The concern, therefore, is not rental housing itself or the existence of investors, but whether the growing concentration of ownership limits opportunities for families who want to purchase homes and build long-term wealth through property ownership.
Trump’s proposed restrictions appear designed to address part of that imbalance. But they are not prohibited on institutional ownership. They do not prevent large investors from purchasing homes with cash, using private financing or relying on financial structures outside the conventional mortgage system. Even so, the policy signals an important principle: The American housing system should not be organized in a way that consistently gives corporate portfolios an advantage over families seeking a place to call home.
That principle deserves broad support. But principle alone will not create homeowners.
If institutional demand declines, more homes may become available to individual buyers. Black families could benefit, particularly in the lower and middle segments of the market, where first-time buyers often face the strongest competition. Yet a home is not truly accessible merely because an investor is no longer bidding on it. The prospective buyer must still qualify for financing, have sufficient income and acceptable credit, and possess enough savings to cover the down payment and closing costs. The buyer must still contend with high interest rates, rising insurance costs, and a limited supply of attainable homes.
Reducing competition does not automatically create access.
That distinction is critical because many Black families face a challenge not simply of income but of accumulated wealth. A family may be able to afford a monthly mortgage payment while lacking the savings required to purchase the home. A first-generation buyer may have no family equity to draw upon for a down payment or emergency expenses. Another family may have a strong record of paying rent but limited traditional credit history. The nation cannot simply tell corporations to step aside and assume that families will automatically step forward. Families must also be given the tools to compete.
That requires a broader national ownership agenda, one that includes meaningful down-payment assistance for qualified first-generation buyers, greater access to responsible small-dollar mortgages, and policies that encourage the construction of attainable homes rather than concentrating on new development at the highest price points. It also requires a more serious commitment to rehabilitating vacant and distressed properties for owner-occupants. In communities where affordable housing already exists but has fallen into disrepair, public policy should help families acquire and restore those homes rather than allowing them to become automatic opportunities for institutional acquisition.
The mortgage industry must also continue to explore responsible ways of recognizing the financial realities of modern households. Underwriting standards should remain sound, but access should not be unnecessarily limited by systems that fail to account for self-employed borrowers, entrepreneurs, non-traditional income, or strong histories of rental payment. The objective is not to weaken lending standards. It is to ensure that responsible borrowers are not excluded because the housing finance system has failed to evolve.
There is also a fundamental tension at the center of the housing debate. Policymakers want homes to become more affordable, but they also want to protect the wealth that existing homeowners have built through appreciation. Both goals are legitimate. For many Americans, a home is their largest asset. A dramatic decline in property values could erase household wealth, destabilize communities, and create broader economic harm. But rising home values have different consequences depending on whether a person already owns property. For an existing homeowner, appreciation may represent growing wealth; for a renter trying to buy, appreciation may represent a moving target. The same increase in value that strengthens one family’s balance sheet may place ownership further beyond the reach of another.
This is particularly important for Black Americans because the racial wealth gap means that many Black families enter the housing market with less inherited wealth and fewer resources available to overcome the initial costs of ownership. The answer is not to destroy the equity current homeowners have earned, nor is it to accept a future in which ownership becomes increasingly concentrated among corporations and the already wealthy. The challenge is to protect the wealth of existing homeowners while expanding the ownership economy for those who have been left outside it.
That will require more housing, more attainable housing, more accessible financing, and a more deliberate effort to help first-generation buyers build assets. It will also require measuring housing policy by outcomes rather than rhetoric. How many new homeowners were created? How many first-generation buyers entered the market? How many families moved from renting to owning? How much wealth remained within historically underserved communities? Those questions matter more than political declarations.
Renting is not a failure. Many Americans rent by choice, and rental housing will always be an essential part of a healthy economy. The danger arises when people who want to own are permanently prevented from doing so by rising prices, institutional competition, and a financial system that rewards existing wealth while making it difficult to build new wealth. A nation of renters is not defined by the existence of renters. It is defined by the disappearance of meaningful pathways to ownership.
For Black America, the stakes are especially high. The history of housing has been inseparable from the history of exclusion. The consequences of redlining, restrictive covenants, and unequal access to credit did not disappear when those practices became illegal. They continue to influence wealth, homeownership and access to capital. Understanding that history is not an argument for remaining trapped by it. It is an argument for designing policies that can produce a different future.
Trump’s declaration that America will not become a nation of renters should therefore be understood as the beginning of a policy conversation, not its conclusion. Restricting institutional investors may be a necessary step, but it is not a complete solution. America must do more than limit corporate competition; it must expand family ownership. It must create pathways for first-generation buyers, make small-dollar mortgages more available, increase the supply of attainable homes, and help responsible borrowers overcome the down-payment barrier. It must also ensure that the wealth created through housing is not increasingly concentrated in the hands of institutions while working families remain permanent tenants.
The future will belong to those who own assets. The question is whether ordinary Americans and particularly Black Americans will have a meaningful opportunity to participate in that ownership economy. Property is more than an asset. It is security, inheritance, and economic independence. It is the power to shape not only where a family lives but also what that family can pass on.
Property is Power! is a movement to promote home and community ownership. Studies indicate homeownership leads to higher graduation rates, family wealth, and community involvement.
Based on reporting by Michigan Chronicle.
Black History
Doulas Are Helping Black California Moms Navigate Pregnancy–Even as High Mortality Rates Persist
In California, Black women experience the highest pregnancy-related mortality rate — about four times greater than other women, according to statistics. From 2021 to 2023, the leading causes of pregnancy-related deaths included cardiovascular disease, COVID-19, hemorrhage, sepsis, amniotic fluid embolism, and pulmonary embolism.
After losing twins, Long Beach resident Cassandra Carter approached the birth of her daughter, Nyomi, last November with anxiety. She wanted support for herself and her husband, Adewole, that extended beyond routine medical care.
“Getting pregnant as a Black woman, I wanted a team around me that made me feel safe,” she said. “I know all about the mishaps that Black women experience.”
Carter, a therapist and self-described hippie, hired Yvette Perry, a doula and co-founder of Divine Birthing Services LLC in Lancaster. Perry helped Cassandra craft a detailed birth plan.
“I was worried about postpartum depression. Mrs. Yvette knows a lot about how postpartum affects men as well,” Carter explained.
Perry was present the day Nyomi was born. She held the baby when Carter or her husband needed a moment and even set up candles in the birthing suite.
“Whatever I needed for my comfort, she was there,” Carter said of Perry. “She was there as an advocate and voice. I had a really serene birthing experience because I had someone extra who wasn’t tied to me as my family.”
Perry, a doula for nearly six years, said preexisting conditions, poor communication and dismissive hospital care heighten health risks for Black mothers.
“Sometimes, Black mommies are not being heard. They don’t know they have rights. They don’t know they can say, ‘no,’” Perry explained. “Doulas empower them. We are there to educate them.”
Perry’s concerns reflect a broader public health crisis. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s 2024 maternal mortality report, non-Hispanic Black women in the U.S. died from pregnancy-related causes at a rate of 44.8 deaths per 100,000 live births.
In California, Black women experience the highest pregnancy-related mortality rate — about four times greater than other women, according to statistics. From 2021 to 2023, the leading causes of pregnancy-related deaths included cardiovascular disease, COVID-19, hemorrhage, sepsis, amniotic fluid embolism, and pulmonary embolism.
The Centering Black Mothers in California report found that structural racism — including barriers to high-quality health care, and chronic stress— disproportionately harms Black women.
In a statement to California Black Media (CBM), the California Department of Public Health (CDPH) said maternal mortality disparities stem from multiple factors. The department said addressing structural racism, listening to Black women’s experiences and reducing provider bias are key to closing the gap.
California began covering doula care as a Medi-Cal benefit in 2023, providing eligible patients with support during pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period, according to CDPH.
Whitney Dotson of Inglewood wanted an expert on pregnancy, labor, and delivery to guide her and her husband, Anthony, through the birth of their son, Anthony III. So, she hired Perry for doula support.
“It’s always more comfortable when you can have a second opinion,” she said. “Knowing she was better versed in what the options were, made me more comfortable.”
Dotson, 39, had a healthy pregnancy but faced recommendations common for expectant mothers over 35. Her doctor advised inducing labor at 39 weeks, but she hoped to carry to full term.
“I wasn’t comfortable with that,” she admitted.
Perry provided Dotson with information about induction guidelines and alternatives, helping her understand her options and communicate her preferences.
Then, Dotson returned to her doctor.
“I said, ‘I don’t want to — and this is why,’” she recalled. “He agreed and pushed the induction date back a week.”
Perry also advised Anthony on how he could support his wife during and after the pregnancy and during Anthony III’s birth. She also reminded Dotson to change birthing positions — from her back to her hands and knees.
Before Saveneh Martinez became a doula with Fierce Advocates in Contra Costa County, she was a new mom, uneducated on aspects of birth, which led to her first child, Colton, being placed in a Neonatal Intensive Care Unit.
“I didn’t know my choices,” she said.
Martinez called it “lifesaving” for expecting moms to have a doula.
“It should be a medical right,” she said.
California Perinatal Quality Care Collaborative (CPQCC) Senior Associate Medical Director Kimberly D. Gregory said research suggests that doulas decrease the pre-term birth rate and the likelihood of a C-section.
“Having a doula is a proactive thing to do,” she said.
Efforts are being made across the state to reduce maternal deaths.
CDPH’s Title V Action Plan aims to reduce pregnancy-related deaths among Black birthing mothers from 49.7 to 42.3 per 100,000 live births by 2030 through improvements in patient-centered care, expanding community-based perinatal teams, and addressing the social factors that contribute to poor maternal health outcomes.
CDPH’s Black Infant Health (BIH) Program and Perinatal Equity Initiative (PEI) have already begun to make headway.
“BIH’s prenatal group model improves key intermediate outcomes for participants, including increased social support and empowerment, better stress management, reduced depressive symptoms and gains in health knowledge and behaviors such as safe sleep practices and reduced smoking,” the CDPH told CBM.
“PEI’s early implementation results show progress across several participant-reported areas, such as improved birth experiences, breastfeeding initiation, and coparenting skills among fathers and partners,” the CDPH statement continued.
Gregory said the California Pregnancy Associated Review Committee examines maternal deaths and develops guidelines to help hospitals improve care. One of its main recommendations focuses on how hospitals respond to hemorrhaging, a leading cause of pregnancy-related deaths.
Gregory said CMQCC also created standard clinic care practices for cardiovascular disease and sepsis, two more drivers of maternal mortality, but widespread implementation across the state is pending.
She noted that although there are 800 maternal deaths a year in the U.S., there are also 3.6 million births.
“Most people will do well,” she said. “But you should know about complications like preterm birth. You should know about complications like diabetes, preeclampsia and postpartum depression.”
Martinez said doulas help to make birthing the transformative experience that it is, instead of a routine clinical transaction.
“Being able to feel heard, seen, safe, respected, and just being able to create spaces for them to be held as well,” she said.
Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.
Art
Peter Magubane: a Camera Against Apartheid
THE POSITIVE COMMUNITY — Peter Magubane, a pioneering South African photographer, dedicated his life to documenting the realities of apartheid. Born in 1932, Magubane began his career at Drum magazine in 1954, initially as a driver before becoming a photographer.
Peter Magubane was more than a photographer. He was a witness, storyteller, historian and courageous chronicler of one of the most turbulent periods in South African history. Born on January 18, 1932, in Vrededorp, Johannesburg, and raised in Sophiatown, Magubane discovered photography as a young boy after receiving a Kodak Brownie camera. That simple camera would eventually become his instrument for documenting the lives, struggles and determination of Black South Africans. He died on January 1, 2024, at the age of 91, leaving behind one of the most important photographic archives of South Africa’s apartheid era.
Magubane’s professional journey began at Drum magazine in 1954. He initially worked as a driver and messenger, but his ambition was to become a photographer. Under the mentorship of Drum’s legendary chief photographer Jürgen Schadeberg, Magubane developed his skills and began photographing major political and social events. His first significant assignment involved covering the 1955 African National Congress convention. From that point forward, photography became his way of documenting a country undergoing enormous change.
The South Africa that Magubane photographed was governed by apartheid, a system that legally enforced racial segregation and discrimination. For Black South Africans, everyday life was shaped by restrictions on where they could live, work and travel. Magubane did not limit himself to photographing politicians or famous leaders. He photographed ordinary people—children, workers, families and communities—giving the outside world a visual record of what apartheid meant in everyday life.
One of the defining moments of Magubane’s career came in 1960, when he photographed the aftermath of the Sharpeville Massacre. His photographs helped bring international attention to the violence surrounding resistance to apartheid. He also photographed the 1956 women’s anti-pass march, the Rivonia Trial involving Nelson Mandela and other activists, and numerous other events that became part of South Africa’s historical record.
Magubane paid an enormous personal price for his work. In 1969, he was arrested while photographing protesters outside Pretoria Central Prison. He was subsequently held in solitary confinement for 586 days. After his release, the apartheid government placed him under a banning order that severely restricted his ability to work and move freely. Yet the restrictions did not convince him to abandon photography. Instead, they demonstrated just how powerful the authorities believed his photographs could be.
In 1976, Magubane documented the Soweto Uprising, when thousands of Black students protested against the apartheid government’s education policies. His photographs captured young people confronting police violence and became some of the most internationally recognized images of the uprising. Despite the danger, Magubane continued photographing what was happening around him. His work transformed individual moments of protest into permanent historical evidence that could not easily be erased.
His creativity was matched by his determination to get the picture. Because authorities restricted photographers and attempted to prevent journalists from documenting certain events, Magubane sometimes concealed his camera in unusual places, including a hollowed-out Bible, bread and other objects. These methods allowed him to continue working when openly carrying a camera could attract police attention. His photographs demonstrated that documentary photography sometimes requires not only technical ability but extraordinary courage and resourcefulness.
After Nelson Mandela was released from prison in 1990, Magubane entered another important chapter of his career. He became Mandela’s official photographer and documented the transition toward democracy, including significant moments surrounding South Africa’s first democratic election and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The photographer who had spent decades documenting resistance now had the opportunity to photograph a country moving toward a new political era.
Magubane’s legacy extends far beyond the individual photographs he made. He published numerous books, exhibited internationally and received major honors, including an honorary Doctor of Literature from the University of Cape Town in 2010. His photographs remain part of the historical record because they show not only the brutality of apartheid but also the humanity, resilience and determination of the people who lived through it.
Peter Magubane ultimately demonstrated the extraordinary power of photography. He understood that a photograph can preserve a moment long after the people who witnessed it are gone. His camera recorded injustice, resistance, suffering, courage and eventually freedom. For photographers today, his life offers an enduring lesson: photography is not simply about making beautiful pictures—it can also be about seeing clearly, standing close to history and making sure that important stories are never forgotten. Magubane’s photographs gave South Africa a visual memory, and his life’s work reminds every photographer that sometimes the most important picture is the one that history needs someone brave enough to make.
Based on reporting by The Positive Community.
Black History
HBCU Leaders, Corporate Partners Convene in D.C. to Strengthen Support for Black Colleges’ Athletic Programs
COLUMBUS TIMES — HBCU athletic conference commissioners, university presidents, and corporate leaders gathered in Washington on Tuesday, September 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception. This invitation-only event, hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, aimed to deepen investment in historically Black colleges and universities.
Commissioners from HBCU athletic conferences joined university presidents and corporate leaders in Washington on Tuesday, Sept. 15, for the Salute to HBCU Sports Leadership Reception — an invitation-only gathering aimed at deepening investment in historically Black colleges and universities.
Hosted at Gensler’s K Street office, the evening brought together conference commissioners, campus presidents, and executives from sports, media and design organizations under the theme “Building Partnerships. Celebrating Excellence. Advancing HBCUs.” Gensler highlighted its partnership with Paxton Baker on the event in a post on Instagram, showcasing the room full of HBCU presidents and conference leaders.
Five Conferences, One Room
Commissioners from four NCAA conferences and one NAIA conference were on hand, representing institutions that compete across Division I, Division II and the NAIA:
Anthony Holloman — Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference Charles McClelland — Southwestern Athletic Conference Jacqie McWilliams Parker — Central Intercollegiate Athletic Association Sonja Stills — Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference Kiki Baker Barnes — HBCU Athletic Conference
Their presence linked leadership from across the HBCU athletics landscape with campus administrators and organizations working in event management, design and media.
Presidents and Black Press Leadership in the Room
Among the university presidents in attendance were Prairie View A&M’s Tomikia P. LeGrande and Bowie State’s Aminta H. Breaux.
LeGrande’s appearance came just days after the Thurgood Marshall College Fund named her the recipient of its Educational Leadership Award, as announced by Prairie View A&M. She was honored at TMCF’s 39th Anniversary Gala on Sept. 12 in Washington. LeGrande has served as Prairie View A&M’s ninth president since June 2023.
Breaux, who has led Bowie State since July 2017, previously chaired the CIAA’s board of directors, according to her university biography.
Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., president and CEO of the National Newspaper Publishers Association, also attended — fitting, given the NNPA’s role as one of the reception’s presenting partners. Chavis and HBCU GO’s Lawrencia Moten conducted two 30-minute interview sessions with the conference commissioners, covering topics ranging from the NIL era to conference growth and the experience of leading HBCU athletics, according to HBCU GO President Curtis Symonds, who spoke with HBCU Legends about the sessions.
Corporate and Institutional Partners
Five organizations presented the reception together:
Gensler — the architecture and design firm that hosted the event Events DC — the District’s convention and sports authority USA Track & Field — the sport’s national governing body National Newspaper Publishers Association — representing Black newspaper publishers HBCU GO — the network dedicated to HBCU sports and culture
That mix of partners pointed to a range of possible collaborations ahead, from athletic facilities and event operations to sports programming and media coverage.
Building Beyond the Scoreboard
What stood out most was the mix of people in the room — conference commissioners setting strategy for their leagues, university presidents shaping institutional priorities, and corporate partners bringing resources and expertise from multiple industries.
With college athletics undergoing rapid change, particularly for HBCUs navigating the NIL era and shifting conference dynamics, the reception offered a venue for candid conversation and relationship-building. Its underlying purpose went beyond athletics: using sports as an entry point to broader opportunities in education, workforce development and economic growth for HBCUs.
Based on reporting by Columbus Times.
Black History
At CBCF Conference, a Panel Asks What Black Public Figures Owe the People Who Follow Them
COLUMBUS TIMES — The Congressional Black Caucus Foundation’s Annual Legislative Conference featured a panel titled “Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach.” Actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét, and rapper Yung Joc discussed how public figures can translate influence into real-world change.
WASHINGTON — Among the more than 100 policy forums and brain trusts at this year’s Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Annual Legislative Conference was a conversation about influence itself: who has it, and what they do with it.
"Platforms & Purpose: A Conversation With Black Men Leveraging Their Reach" brought together actor and activist Kendrick Sampson, Rep. Jasmine Crockett, media personality Jason Lee, singer Eric Benét and rapper and radio host Yung Joc. The session looked at how entertainers, creators and elected officials can turn public attention into real-world change.
The panel took place at the 55th Annual Legislative Conference, a five-day event in Washington that began Wednesday. This year’s theme is "Rooted, Ready & Rising," and the conference coincides with the CBC Foundation’s 50th anniversary. CBCF President and CEO Nicole Austin-Hillery has said the gathering is meant to "combine celebration with purpose," while taking up issues including voting rights, economic opportunity, education, health disparities and criminal justice.
That mix of celebrity and policy is a long-running feature of the conference, which brings lawmakers, advocates, entrepreneurs, students and entertainers into the same rooms. The panel’s premise reflects a broader question as creators reach audiences that rival traditional media.
A career built on both stage and street
Sampson is a natural fit for that conversation. The Houston native is known for television and film work, including HBO’s Insecure, and for his activism off screen. He co-founded BLD PWR, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that combines entertainment, education and activism.
The organization says its mission is to "reimagine and realize the liberated future we know our people deserve." It works to mobilize entertainment-industry figures and organize communities around racial, gender, immigration, economic and environmental justice, mental health and wellness, and opposition to state violence. BLD PWR emphasizes storytelling and community healing, and it centers the voices of Black, Indigenous and other marginalized communities.
What to watch
The conference runs through Sunday at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center. Details on sessions and registration are available through the CBC Foundation.
Based on reporting by Columbus Times.
Black History
The Youngest American Killed in the Vietnam War
THE CAROLINIAN — Dan Bullock, a Goldsboro native, was 15 years old when he was killed in Vietnam on June 7, 1969, making him the youngest American service member to die in the conflict. Born in 1953, Bullock moved to Brooklyn after his mother’s death and sought a path forward, considering careers such as a pilot, police officer, firefighter, or Marine.
By Jordan Meadows, Staff Writer
Dan Bullock was 15 years old when he was killed in Vietnam on June 7, 1969, making the Goldsboro native the youngest American service member to die in the war.
Bullock was born Dec. 21, 1953, in Goldsboro and lived in North Carolina until he was about 12, when his mother died, and he moved to Brooklyn to live with his father.
Family members later said he’d talked about wanting to become a pilot, a police officer, a firefighter or a Marine. Unsatisfied with his living situation in New York and discouraged by the lack of opportunity he saw around him, Bullock went looking for a faster path forward—and told his father that enlisting seemed like the quickest way to get an education.
In September 1968, at 14 years old, Bullock walked into the Marine Corps recruiting station at Albee Square in downtown Brooklyn. At 5-foot-9 and roughly 160 pounds, he was big enough to pass for 18, and he had altered the year on his birth certificate from 1953 to 1949.
Recruiters never questioned it. He enlisted on Sept. 18, 1968, and his family found out only when he came home with the signed paperwork in his hand.
Bullock reported to Parris Island, South Carolina, assigned to Platoon 3039, and struggled through parts of the 13-week training regimen before fellow recruits helped pull him through. He graduated from boot camp on Dec. 10, 1968, eleven days before his 15th birthday.
Private First Class Bullock arrived in South Vietnam on May 18, 1969, assigned as a rifleman in 2nd Squad, 2nd Platoon, Fox Company, 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines, 1st Marine Division. His posting was An Hoa Combat Base in Quang Nam Province, a forward hub surrounded by some of the most contested terrain in the country. Bullock kept largely to himself, and while his fellow Marines didn’t know his real age, several sensed something was different about him.
On the evening of June 6, Bullock had been assigned cleaning duty, but took another Marine’s place on the night watch near the airstrip after that Marine was wounded. Shortly after midnight, North Vietnamese Army sappers breached the perimeter wire and launched a coordinated assault with rockets, mortars, and small arms. Accounts of exactly what happened next differ.
Fox Company accounts hold that sappers crawled beneath the wire and hurled a satchel charge through the firing slot of Bullock’s bunker, an explosion that killed Bullock; other accounts describe Bullock being killed by small arms fire on the perimeter.
Bullock’s company commander, Capt. Robert Kingrey, described the young Marine’s actions during the attack in a letter home.
“Dan immediately realized that the attack was stronger than usual and that the ammunition supply was becoming depleted,” Kingrey wrote. “He rushed to get more ammunition for his unit. He constantly exposed himself to enemy fire in order to keep the company supplied with the ammunition needed to hold off the attack.”
Bullock had been in Vietnam for 21 days.
A week after his death, the New York Times broke the story of his real age, and the Defense Department subsequently confirmed Bullock was the youngest of the roughly 58,000 Americans killed during the war.
His remains were returned to Goldsboro and buried at Elmwood Cemetery with full military honors, but no headstone marked the grave. It stayed that way for 31 years, until television talk show host Sally Jessy Raphael learned of the unmarked plot in 2000 and purchased a headstone. NYPD officers, state troopers from four states, and two veteran motorcycle groups escorted a 600-mile caravan from Brooklyn to Goldsboro for the dedication ceremony.
In 2003, the New York City Council renamed a stretch of Lee Avenue in Brooklyn—the street where Bullock had lived—as PFC Dan Bullock Way.
North Carolina dedicated a state highway historical marker near his childhood home on West Ash Street in Goldsboro, and the entrance to Elmwood Cemetery in southwest Goldsboro was also named PFC Dan Bullock Way.
His name is inscribed on Panel 23W, Line 96 of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall in Washington.
Based on reporting by The Carolinian.
Black History
Passing for White, Fighting for Black America: The Courage of Walter White
White personally investigated 41 lynchings and eight race riots. On several occasions, his identity was discovered, forcing him to flee for his life. The evidence he collected helped the NAACP expose the brutality of lynching to Americans and strengthen its campaign for federal anti-lynching legislation. His experiences also influenced his 1929 book, “Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch.”
Walter Francis White was one of the most important civil rights leaders of the first half of the 20th century. For more than three decades, he helped transform the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) into one of the nation’s most powerful organizations fighting racial discrimination, segregation, and violence against African Americans.
Walter White was born in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1893 and grew up in a middle-class African American family. His parents, George and Madeline White, had been born into slavery. Although Walter had blond hair, blue eyes, very light skin and could easily have passed as white, he firmly identified as Black. As a teenager, he witnessed the Atlanta Race Massacre of 1906, when white mobs attacked African Americans throughout the city. The experience strengthened his determination to fight racial hatred and injustice.
After graduating from Atlanta University in 1916, White worked in insurance and became active in the Atlanta branch of the NAACP. His abilities caught the attention of NAACP leader James Weldon Johnson, who recruited him to the organization’s national staff in 1918.
He soon became known for his extraordinarily dangerous investigations of lynchings. Because many white Southerners assumed he was white, he was able to enter communities where Black investigators would have faced immediate danger. He spoke with witnesses, law enforcement officials, and even members of lynch mobs, often pretending to share their racial attitudes so they would reveal information.
White personally investigated 41 lynchings and eight race riots. On several occasions, his identity was discovered, forcing him to flee for his life. The evidence he collected helped the NAACP expose the brutality of lynching to Americans and strengthen its campaign for federal anti-lynching legislation. His experiences also influenced his 1929 book, “Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch.”
By the early 1930s, Walter had risen to the NAACP’s top administrative position. As executive secretary, he helped build the organization into a major national political and legal force. Under his leadership, the NAACP challenged discrimination in voting, employment, education, transportation, the military, and other areas of American life.
White also recruited attorney Charles Hamilton Houston to lead the NAACP’s legal strategy. Houston and his protégé, Thurgood Marshall, developed the courtroom campaign that eventually helped produce the Supreme Court’s historic 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education, declaring racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional.
White used his relationships with national political leaders as another weapon against discrimination. He worked with First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and President Harry S. Truman. He supported efforts to end employment discrimination and encouraged Truman to establish the President’s Committee on Civil Rights.
Walter White remained an NAACP leader until his death in 1955. His courage, political skill, investigative work, and relentless commitment to equality helped establish the foundation upon which the modern Civil Rights Movement would build.
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