Black History
For Scores of Years, Newspapers Printed Hate, Leading to Racist Terror Lynchings and Massacres of Black Americans
NNPA NEWSWIRE — The series of stories in “Printing Hate” resulted from a multifaceted investigation by 58 student journalists from the University of Maryland, the University of Arkansas and five historically Black colleges and universities: Hampton University, Howard University, Morehouse College, Morgan State University and North Carolina Agricultural & Technical State University.
By DeNeen L. Brown | The Howard Center for Investigative Journalism
“FRIED OVER SLOW FIRE: Negro Commits the Unspeakable Crime and Is Put to Death With Horrible Torture; MOB GLOATS OVER FIENDISH BARBARITY”
– Herald Democrat, Sherman, Texas, May 23, 1902
“LYNCHING CAUSED BY BRUTAL MURDER”
– The Times and Democrat, Orangeburg, S.C., July 14, 1914
“NEGRO UNDER SENTENCE TO HANG LYNCHED AT TALLAHASSEE”
– The Pensacola Journal, Pensacola, Fla., June 8, 1909
“BLOODY WORK OF MOB”
-The Choctaw Plaindealer, Ackerman, Miss., Aug. 12, 1910
“Gov. Brough Fired Upon by Negroes at Elaine; NEGROES HAD PLOT TO RISE AGAINST WHITES, CHARGED”
– Arkansas Democrat, Little Rock, Ark., Oct. 2, 1919
“THE ASSAULT ON WOMAN AVENGED–DAVIS DRAGGED FROM JAIL AND LYNCHED–MOB RIDDLED NEGRO RAVISHER WITH BULLETS; HUNG TO TREE ON BRICKYARD HILL AT EARLY HOUR THIS MORNING; BRUTE CONFESSED BEFORE THE CROWD–SAID HE INTENDED TO MURDER HER AS WELL”
– Evening Capital, Annapolis, Md., Dec. 21, 1906
“3,000 WILL BURN NEGRO”
– The New Orleans States, New Orleans, La., June 26, 1919
“Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In an Elevator”
– The Tulsa Tribune, Tulsa, Okla., May 31, 1921
“JOHN HARTFIELD WILL BE LYNCHED BY ELLISVILLE MOB AT 5 O’CLOCK THIS AFTERNOON”
– Jackson Daily News, Jackson, Miss., June 26, 1919
“FIXED FOR A BARBECUE; Preparations to Roast Jim Buchanan, Negro Murderer. Had the Mob Secured Him at Nacogdoches This was to Have Been the Programme”
– The Southern Mercury, Dallas, Texas, Oct. 16, 1902
For decades, hundreds of white-owned newspapers across the country incited the racist terror lynchings and massacres of thousands of Black Americans. In their headlines, these newspapers often promoted the brutality of white lynch mobs and chronicled the gruesome details of the lynchings. Many white reporters stood on the sidelines of Jim Crow lynchings as Black men, women, teenagers and children were hanged from trees and burned alive. White mobs often posed on courthouse lawns, grinning for photos that ran on front pages of mainstream newspapers.
These racist terror lynchings — defined as extrajudicial killings carried out by lawless mobs intending to terrorize Black communities — evoked horror as victims were often castrated, dismembered, tortured and riddled with bullets before being hanged from trees, light poles and bridges.
Lynchings took different forms. Some Black people were bombed, as four little girls were in a church in Birmingham, Alabama. Black men were whipped by mobs to silence them. Emmett Till was kidnapped, tortured, beaten and thrown into the Tallahatchie River with a cotton-gin fan tied around his neck with barbed wire.
“Printing Hate,” a yearlong investigation by students working with the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism at the University of Maryland, examines the scope, depth and breadth of newspaper coverage of hundreds of those public-spectacle lynchings and massacres.
The investigation was inspired by DeNeen L. Brown’s reporting on the Red Summer of 1919 and the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre, which was sparked by the sensational coverage of The Tulsa Tribune, specifically a May 31, 1921, front-page story: “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In an Elevator.” The Tulsa Race Massacre was one of the deadliest acts of racist violence against Black people in U.S. history.
This project investigates the cumulative effect of how newspaper headlines and editorials incited racist terror and falsely accused Black people of crimes. The series uncovers the widespread practice of publishing headlines that accelerated lynchings and massacres. That included newspapers announcing “Negro uprisings,” publishing uncorroborated stories of Black men accused of “assaulting” white women, and printing false allegations of arson and vagrancy — all in an attempt to justify racist terror inflicted on Black people.
Many of the newspapers examined in this project ran racist headlines, calling Black people “brutes,” “fiends” and “bad Negroes.” Newspapers across the South greeted readers with “Hambone’s Meditations,” a racist caricature created by The Commercial Appeal in Memphis, Tennessee. (The Commercial Appeal was owned by Scripps-Howard from 1936 to 2015, when the company spun off its newspapers. The Scripps Howard Foundation supports the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism at the University of Maryland.)
Some of the newspapers advertised upcoming lynchings, often printing the time, date and place where mobs would gather. Some white reporters watched, took notes and wrote riveting accounts of the barbarity of mobs, documenting the horror of the wounds inflicted, with blow-by-blow descriptions of the attacks, as though they were writing about a sporting event. But those reporters, as skilled as they were as writers, often failed to practice good journalism, by undertaking the basic job of reporters — pursue and tell the truth. Many of those reporters failed to identify white people in the mob. They also failed to hold government officials accountable by asking hard questions of the sheriffs, judges and other local law enforcement officials who stepped aside while white mobs attacked Black people.
This series found that the collective impact of those accounts was devastating. Triggered by front-page headlines, Black people were often dragged from their homes, ridiculed, tormented and whipped with straps so sharp their flesh was shredded.
Sparked by reports, a white mob of more than 2,000 people in Salisbury, Maryland, pulled 23-year-old Matthew Williams from the “Negro ward” of the hospital, on Dec. 4, 1931, threw him out the window, stabbed him with an ice pick, and dragged him to the courthouse lawn. Before dousing him with gasoline, they cut off his fingers and toes, then drove to the Black side of town, where they tossed his body parts onto porches of Black people, while shouting for them to make “N—– sandwiches.”
The project reveals how the scope of the news of the day for some Americans was often ghastly, shaping the American landscape and psyche. The front pages included pictures of people being killed in the most horrible ways. The lynchings were covered as an everyday occurrence, often reported side by side with who graduated from college that day and stock prices. A reader could open the newspaper in the morning and casually scan the headlines reporting baseball scores, finalists in beauty contests, reports on tariff negotiations and a news story advocating lynchings.
The fact that lynchings took place is generally known, and the fact that some newspapers incited lynchings is generally known. But the Howard Center’s reporting shows how widespread this incendiary coverage was. It was not a question of this coverage just happening in places like Wilmington, North Carolina; Montgomery, Alabama; or Atlanta, but it happened in small towns across America.
Not all white-owned newspapers were guilty, and there were degrees of guilt. In some instances, editors looked the other way. In other instances, they not only covered the fire; they lit the fuse.
“Printing Hate” examines white-owned newspaper coverage of lynchings and massacres from the end of the Civil War in 1865 to the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. During those 100 years, thousands of Black people were murdered in massacres and lynchings. In that same period, nearly 5,000 racial terror lynchings of Black people occurred, according to a Howard Center analysis of the Beck-Tolnay inventory of Southern Lynch Victims and the Seguin-Rigby National Data Set of Lynchings in the United States.
Lynchings were often public-spectacle executions “carried out by lawless mobs, though police officers did participate, under the pretext of justice,” according to the NAACP, which in 1919 published “Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1919,” to promote awareness of the scope of lynching.
A MULTIFACETED INVESTIGATION
The series of stories in “Printing Hate” resulted from a multifaceted investigation by 58 student journalists from the University of Maryland, the University of Arkansas and five historically Black colleges and universities: Hampton University, Howard University, Morehouse College, Morgan State University and North Carolina Agricultural & Technical State University.
The students spent months examining hundreds of newspapers to detail the complicity of many white newspaper owners, publishers and journalists who used headlines, articles and editorials to incite racist mob violence and terror, in the form of lynchings, massacres and pogroms. In the course of this investigation, student journalists examined hundreds of headlines and news reports that were collected in an original database designed by the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism.
“We found lots of examples of sensationalized coverage and trumped-up charges,” said Sean Mussenden, data editor at the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism, who worked with student journalists who built a database to allow many papers to examine their past lynching coverage. “As someone who has worked in the industry for a long time, I understood newspapers to be imperfect institutions that nonetheless served as guardians of truth who righted wrongs and exposed corrupt officials. I was shocked by the role so many papers played in promoting a culture of racial terror.”
The students were not the first to uncover the white newspaper coverage, which was often countered by the Black press. However, they were able to investigate as reporters of a new generation bringing a 21st-century perspective to the project.
This investigation of newspaper coverage of lynchings comes at a time of “racial reckoning” in newsrooms. The stories dive into the country’s racist history, at a time when states are passing laws to prevent that truth from being told, under the guise of banning the teaching of critical race theory — designed to be taught in law schools. The series begins at a time when several major newspapers have issued statements, acknowledging and apologizing for racist coverage. “Printing Hate” attempts to add to this discourse by providing a more comprehensive review of that racist historical newspaper coverage that incited the deaths of thousands of Black people.
Rollout
“Printing Hate” will roll out over the next three months, publishing to the University of Maryland’s Capital News Service and Howard Center website. It is set to be published by Word In Black, a “groundbreaking collaboration of the nation’s leading Black news publishers,” and is scheduled to appear on the National Association of Black Journalists’ website.
Over the course of these months, the project seeks to tell the story of the Black Americans who were betrayed by American newspapers, whose job should have been to report the facts and circumstances fairly and accurately.
Newsrooms
“Printing Hate” contains interviews with current newspaper editors who have issued apologies and with those who have not. The project examines how the U.S. government failed to enact anti-lynching legislation to prevent the murder of Black people.
Readers will find interviews with descendants of lynching victims, including an account of the lynching of William Henderson Foote, who was killed by a mob in Yazoo City, Mississippi, in 1883. He was the first Black federal officer to die in the line of duty, “defending the rule of law in protection of a citizen’s basic civil right,” the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives determined.
The series showcases compelling narratives of those impacted by newspaper accounts, including the 1908 case of Annie Walker, who begged “night riders” for mercy before she was killed, according to a report in the Public Ledger newspaper in Kentucky.
The project features a timeline, written by a visiting professional, which connects the dots between racial terror massacres and lynchings, and failed attempts by Congress to pass anti-lynching legislation.
“Printing Hate” includes a story explaining how white-owned newspapers conspired to destroy a political party in Danville, Virginia, coverage of the lynching of Sank Majors and the inhumanity of Waco, Texas, where massive public lynchings of Black men were nurtured by the city’s newspapers. The project includes a story about The Columbus Dispatch, which condoned the lynching of John Gibson, published under the headline, “NEGRO FIEND MEETS HIS FATE.”
Readers will discover a report from a student journalist who dove into history and emerged with a story about the managing editor of The Atlanta Constitution and publisher of The Atlanta Journal, who ran for governor on platforms championing the fallacy of white supremacy.
The Atlanta Journal wrote an editorial in 1906 in support of “the legal disenfranchisement of 223,000 male negroes of voting age in Georgia.” The Journal claimed to support the disenfranchisement of Black men because “we are the superior race and do not intend to be ruled by our semi barbaric inferiors.”
The “Printing Hate” package of stories sweeps west to the blood-soaked cotton fields of Elaine, Arkansas, where newspapers inaccurately reported in 1919 that Black people in Elaine were engaged in an “uprising” against white people. Those headlines were essentially dog-whistle calls to white people in Arkansas, Mississippi, Tennessee and surrounding states to descend on Elaine and literally hunt and kill Black people.
In “Printing Hate,” students write how the press covered jazz great Billie Holiday when she sang about “Strange Fruit”; how lynching photos and postcards were used by the media to foment terror; and about the courage of many journalists in the Black press who — often despite threats to their lives — pursued the truth about lynchings. This includes fearless anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells-Barnett; Walter White, who investigated lynchings for the NAACP; Robert S. Abbott, founder of The Chicago Defender, whose masthead promised “We Print THE TRUTH No Matter Whom IT HURTS;” Simeon S. Booker Jr., the first Black reporter for The Washington Post, and an award-winning journalist who covered the civil rights movement for Jet and Ebony magazines; Moses Newson, a reporter for the Tri-State Defender in Memphis and the Baltimore Afro-American, who covered the 1955 trial of the white men who lynched Emmett Till in Mississippi.
Roscoe Dunjee, the founder and publisher of The Black Dispatch newspaper in Oklahoma City and a fearless crusader for justice, wrote in a 1919 editorial that white editors across the country — including at The New York Times and The Washington Post — should cease printing inflammatory headlines and false reports about Black people, which Dunjee wrote incited racist violence. As evidence, he cited a July 1919 Washington Post headline that provided the precise time, date and location where white mobs would “mobilize” near the White House to continue attacks on Black people during the D.C. Massacre of 1919, which left as many as 39 people dead.
“As long as editors encourage lawlessness as cynically as the editor of The Washington Post, there can be no hope of averting mob violence anywhere,” Dunjee said.
C.R. Gibbs, a historian and author of “Black, Copper, & Bright: The District of Columbia’s Black Civil War Regiment,” said newspapers often amplified community attitudes about race and racism.
“They provided the oil to throw on the fire of racial intolerance,” Gibbs said. “They essentially abandoned the cardinal rule of the press to report fairly and accurately. When we look at the vitriol splashed across newspapers across the country, when it came to race, they should still be liable for some sort of justice. These headlines had the real effect of taking people’s lives, of making people’s situations that much worse time and time again. They were not fighters for truth and justice. They were propagators of violence, oppression and bloodshed.”
Victoria A. Ifatusin, a graduate student at the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism, said working on the project was a profound experience.
“We talk about social injustices today and how Black people were treated back then quite often,” Ifatusin said. “But I don’t think that people, including me before this project, really understood how Black people were horrifically mistreated, to the point that their lives were taken just for their skin color. And newspapers, a medium of truth, aided in that mistreatment. As a young reporter, it deeply hurts to know that reporters of this time who were meant to seek truth, deliberately printed false information that harmed Black people. This only contributes to the passion I have for journalism in efforts to tell stories truthfully without creating harm to anyone.”
The stories, headlines, photos, editorials and cartoons detailed in the “Printing Hate” series may hit readers in the gut because of the cumulative effect of the resulting racist terror lynchings and massacres. The package of stories is unflinching. But it is required reading because the role some white-owned newspapers played in inciting racist terror lynchings and massacres against Black people in America is undeniable.
Vanessa Sanchez and Brittany Gaddy contributed to this report.
DeNeen L. Brown is an associate professor of journalism at the University of Maryland.
Black History
Federal Agents Search Ilhan Omar’s Home Just 22 Days Before Election
WASHINGTON INFORMER — Federal agents searched the D.C.-area home of Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) on Monday, 22 days before Election Day. This extraordinary step involved executing a criminal search warrant against a sitting member of Congress.
Federal agents searched the D.C.-area home of Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) on Monday, taking the extraordinary step of executing a criminal search warrant against a sitting member of Congress just 22 days before Election Day, as the Trump administration investigates allegations involving her family’s immigration records.
The search immediately drew accusations of political intimidation from Omar’s supporters, who pointed to President Donald Trump’s repeated attacks on the Minnesota congresswoman and questioned the timing of an investigation targeting one of his most outspoken critics.
“Representative Omar is a dedicated public servant and a true ally for working families, and Donald Trump has done nothing but use racist tropes and stereotypes to attack her,” said Joel Payne, MoveOn’s chief communications officer. “Now, he’s abusing his power to physically intimidate and harass her.”
A Justice Department spokeswoman acknowledged that Homeland Security Investigations agents, part of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, searched a District residence as part of an ongoing federal criminal investigation.
The spokeswoman declined to provide additional information or publicly identify the person under investigation.
According to published reports, the warrant identified possible violations involving false statements, immigration document fraud and conspiracy. Federal investigators have also examined questions concerning Omar’s finances, campaign funds and interactions with foreign citizens.
No criminal charges against the congresswoman were identified, but Monday’s search occurred less than four weeks before voters decided whether to return Omar to Congress.
The investigation follows months of public accusations from senior Trump administration officials, including Vice President JD Vance, who previously claimed that Omar committed immigration fraud.
In an interview with conservative commentator Benny Johnson, Vance asserted, without publicly presenting evidence, that the administration believed Omar had broken immigration laws. He also said he and White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller had discussed how to pursue the allegations.
“What are the legal remedies now that we know that she’s committed immigration fraud?” Vance asked during the interview. “How do you go after her? How do you investigate her?”
Omar has repeatedly rejected the accusations, including claims that she married her brother to facilitate immigration fraud. Her office dismissed Vance’s allegations in March as fabricated and defamatory.
Questions about the investigation intensified in August when Immigration and Customs Enforcement refused to release records sought under the Freedom of Information Act concerning allegations surrounding Omar’s 2009 marriage to Ahmed Nur Said Elmi.
The agency cited an exemption allowing law enforcement authorities to withhold records when disclosure could interfere with enforcement proceedings. The refusal did not establish that Omar committed fraud or, at the time, confirmed that she was personally under investigation.
Omar, who came to the United States as a refugee from Somalia, was elected to Congress in 2018 and became one of the first two Muslim women to serve in the House. She represents Minnesota’s 5th Congressional District, which includes Minneapolis, and has frequently challenged Trump over immigration enforcement, civil rights, and his administration’s treatment of immigrant communities.
Her confrontations with the administration have made her a recurring target of the president’s political attacks. The criminal investigation also follows a frightening incident earlier this year in which Omar was physically attacked during a public appearance.
On Jan. 27, a man attacked Omar during a town hall meeting at the National Urban League’s Twin Cities headquarters in Minneapolis. The incident prompted condemnation from the National Coalition on Black Civic Participation and its Black Women’s Roundtable, which demanded accountability and warned against political violence.
“We are shocked and extremely disturbed by the attack on Rep. Ilhan Omar yesterday while she attempted to address the critical issues and chaos swirling around in Minneapolis,” Melanie L. Campbell, president and CEO of the coalition and national convener of the Black Women’s Roundtable, said in a Jan. 28 statement.
Campbell praised Omar for continuing to speak out despite threats against her.
“We believe that NO public official should be threatened or physically attacked, especially when they are serving in the best interests of their constituents,” Campbell said. “Political violence and intimidation have no place in our democracy.”
MoveOn, the progressive advocacy organization, accused Trump of using federal law enforcement to intimidate a political opponent and urged voters to respond at the ballot box.
“On Nov. 3rd, we get our chance to fight back and hold him and his corrupt administration accountable,” Payne said.
Based on reporting by Washington Informer.
Black History
‘We Are Ready’: NAACP Launches Voter Protection Hub Ahead of Midterms
ATLANTA DAILY WORLD — The NAACP is launching a voter protection hub to protect voting rights ahead of the midterm elections. Voters can report intimidation and suppression via phone and online, with NAACP attorneys and legal volunteers investigating complaints and seeking emergency court intervention.
The NAACP is launching a voter protection hub ahead of the 2026 midterm elections as voting rights groups prepare for potential challenges at the polls.
Voters will be able to report allegations of intimidation and suppression by phone and through online submissions, while NAACP attorneys and legal volunteers investigate complaints and seek emergency court intervention when necessary.
According to The Washington Post, the hub is scheduled to launch October 24.
“We are ready,” NAACP General Counsel Kristen Clarke told The Washington Post. “We have an army of legal volunteers across the country and are prepared to activate and seek emergency relief on Election Day where necessary.”
The effort comes as organizations are also working to increase Black voter participation ahead of the midterms. BIN reported in September that the Congressional Black Caucus Institute launched its “SO VOTE” campaign, which plans to spend at least $4.5 million registering and mobilizing Black voters, young voters and rural voters.
The Associated Press reported that the campaign is targeting Georgia and Mississippi statewide, along with 16 congressional districts.
The NAACP is particularly focused on voter intimidation, changes to election rules and the impact of redistricting on Black voting power.
The organization filed a lawsuit against Justice Department Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon on Friday (October 2), seeking records about the department’s plans to deploy election monitors at polling places during the midterm elections.
“To be clear, there is no federal statute that gives the U.S. Department of Justice the right to send their so-called ‘election monitors’ to polling sites across the country,” Clarke said in a statement.
The NAACP’s voter protection hub will give voters a centralized way to report problems and connect with the organization’s legal team during the election.
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Based on reporting by Atlanta Daily World.
Black History
Pleasant Zion Missionary Baptist Church Celebrates 100 Years of Spiritual, Mind, Body, and Soul Ministries
LOUISIANA WEEKLY — Pleasant Zion Missionary Baptist Church, located at 3317 Toledano Street in uptown New Orleans, is celebrating its 100th anniversary with a Centennial Weekend on October 17-18.
The legacy of the African-American church in the United States is that of a refuge, a caring and welcoming institution, a port in the storm, that has fed African Americans spiritually, economically, mentally and physically, and has nurtured the souls of people of African ancestry throughout their existence in America.
Pleasant Zion Missionary Baptist Church has carried on that legacy for the past 100 years. Established in 1926, Pleasant Zion MBC, located at 3317 Toledano Street, is a cornerstone of faith in uptown New Orleans and a beacon of hope for the Hoffman Triangle/Central City neighborhood.
Pleasant Zion MBC continues its mission of faith, education and empowerment for future generations. The church celebrates its 100th anniversary with a forward-looking Centennial Weekend, October 17-18.
Throughout its long history, Pleasant Zion has served its community by providing religious training and cultural, educational and recreational activities for children and adults. For decades, PZMBC has worked with neighborhood leadership to address issues such as neighborhood blight, housing and safety concerns.
Many have sought Pastor Kenneth E. Thompson’s confidential, wise counsel and comfort.
Pleasant Zion Missionary Baptist Church’s Centennial Celebration focuses on youth. “Our Centennial is not just about looking back – it’s about investing in our youth and building the future of our community,” Pastor Thompson affirms.
For decades, PZMBC has worked with neighborhood leadership to address issues such as neighborhood blight, housing, and safety concerns, Pastor Thompson adds.
During the summer, PZMBC sponsored summer enrichment camps for children with a range of activities, including culinary arts, STEM, music and field trips to museums and Black historic sites such as Armstrong Park.
The church has provided free food baskets, placed homeless women in hotel rooms, and provided financial assistance to people at risk of eviction or homelessness.
“Throughout its long history, Pleasant Zion has served the needs of its community by providing religious training, cultural, educational and recreational activities for both children and adults.
This upcoming Centennial Celebration honors a century of spiritual leadership while investing in the next generation, uplifting youth voices, education and sacred music.
Special guests at the celebration include the famous Zion Harmonizers. The world-renowned gospel group celebrated 87 years in gospel music with a special anniversary performance in March 2026 at St. John Institutional Missionary Baptist Sanctuary.
The program also features acclaimed Bishop Tyrone Jefferson, Voices of SUNO and the NORD Choir.
This article originally published in the October 12, 2026 print edition of The Louisiana Weekly newspaper.
Based on reporting by Louisiana Weekly.
Black History
Cash for Moms: As Medicaid Cuts Loom, Cities Test a New Approach to Black Maternal Health
LOUISIANA WEEKLY — WORD IN BLACK — A maternal health crisis continues to disproportionately impact the Black community, with Black mothers experiencing significantly higher mortality rates during childbirth and their infants facing increased risks of prematurity and death. Data indicates Black moms die at three times the rate of white moms, and Black infants are about twice as likely to die as white infants in some states.
By now, there’s little question that a maternal health crisis is rocking the Black community. The data tells the story: Black moms are dying during childbirth at three times the rate of white moms, a disproportionately high percentage of Black children are born prematurely, and Black infants are about twice as likely to die as white infants in states like Louisiana.
But new data from a handful of pilot projects also suggests a potential solution that could significantly improve outcomes for Black mothers and their babies: cash payments, no strings attached.
Studies show the unrestricted money led to fewer preterm births, higher newborn birth weights, and fewer critical-care infant hospitalizations. It also reduced stress among new moms who would otherwise struggle to attend prenatal check-ups, pay for food and formula, or keep a roof over their heads.
“This makes so much sense to me,” says Tamara Mason, an official with the nonprofit March of Dimes who worked on an Atlanta project distributing money to low-income pregnant women. “Why isn’t everyone doing this?”
Sen. Cory Booker, a New Jersey Democrat, is among several sponsors of legislation that would provide direct financial aid to new mothers, similar to the expanded child tax credit in 2021. The credit sent monthly payments of up to $300 per child straight to most families’ bank accounts; experts credit it with lifting millions of children out of poverty.
When it expired, child poverty rose again.
“I believe that we need to, for moms, flood resources to them through things like the child tax credit,” Booker said during an August press briefing on the Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act. “We were able to cut child poverty virtually in half for our communities, and that actually does affect child outcomes.”
Those positive outcomes in part spurred the March of Dimes to launch trial programs providing universal basic income, or UBI, to pregnant women and new moms in two cities: Atlanta, which Bloomberg ranked as the most economically unequal large city in the country, and New Orleans, which March of Dimes gave an F grade.
No strings attached
In Atlanta, the Guaranteed Basic Income Program gave each participant $1,000 a month during pregnancy and her baby’s first year. Women most likely to live in poverty in that city are Black women of reproductive age; 25 pregnant women in two of the area’s highest-need ZIP codes received the cash.
March of Dimes ran the pilot through an Atlanta collective-impact partnership known as the collaborative. It is modeled on San Francisco’s Abundant Birth Project and, organizers say, rooted in an idea the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. championed decades ago.
Funders Skeptical at First – Then All In
Mason said she spent months pitching foundations on the idea, which some considered outside her organization’s lane.
“I was honestly surprised that a couple of foundations,” Mason says. “Funders were like, ‘Why is March of Dimes in this space? You all are the birth defects people. You’re the preterm birth people.’”
The Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta signed on as the primary funder. The Liz Blake Giving Fund and the Jesse Parker Williams Foundation funded data gathering and evaluation Emory University conducted.
The nonprofit Center for Black Women’s Wellness handled recruitment, and more than 110 women applied for the 25 spots, Mason said. Applicants had to live in one of the two ZIP codes, earn no more than 200 percent of the federal poverty level, and be 12 to 28 weeks pregnant.
Cash, Diapers and a Network
Stipends were paid through a prepaid card, letting evaluators track spending without restricting it. Helping Mamas, a nonprofit focused on diaper insecurity, supplied 300 diapers and eight packs of wipes a month, plus a car seat and other essentials. The Georgia Black Doula Network encouraged, but didn’t require, participants to hire doulas.
Early results from Emory’s evaluation, as described by Mason, show a 20 percent decrease in financial stress and a 66 percent decrease in hopelessness, a figure she called striking. Prenatal outcomes trended better than average.
Mason was careful not to oversell what $1,000 a month can fix. Several participants lost housing; one or two dealt with domestic violence.
Even though GBI reduced financial stress, “it still is one piece of the puzzle,” Mason said.
New Orleans: Overcoming Crisis
March of Dimes runs a similar program in New Orleans, GBI Rx, offering pregnant patients in their first or second trimester $12,000, as a lump sum or $1,000 a month. Two partner medical clinics enroll patients for healthcare, and the payment card blocks cash withdrawals and spending on liquor and gambling.
In Louisiana, “we have a maternal and infant health crisis – specifically, a Black maternal and infant health crisis,” said Robin Gruenfeld, director of collective impact for March of Dimes in New Orleans. ”And it’s been that way for a long time.”
Black infants there died at about twice the rate of white infants from 2021 to 2023. Gruenfeld said Orleans Parish has the state’s lowest prenatal care utilization rate.
Gruenfeld said the program’s city seed money, federal pandemic relief funds, and foundation funding were “zeroed out” without notice. Most funds were later restored at a lower level, forcing organizers to scale down to 94 participants instead of the 100 planned. They also enrolled on a first-come, first-served basis.
Recipients spent lump sums on housing, cars and insurance. But spending priorities for the participants changed when the federal government stopped paying out SNAP food benefits during last fall’s federal shutdown.
“During that time, more than a quarter of the funds that we gave folks was going to groceries,” Gruenfeld said.
Several New Orleans city government officials are now weighing a program modeled on Michigan’s Rx Kids, which a study credits with nearly halving neonatal deaths in Flint, one of the poorest cities in the state.
“We are seeing policies pushed by the political will of predominantly Black women come into effect, and then also the backlash,” says Danielle Atkinson of Mothering Justice Action Fund, a nonprofit advocacy organization. “In Michigan, we have Rx Kids, which is extremely popular [and] the data on the impact is undeniable.”
But recent changes are endangering the success of such programs, particularly amid President Donald Trump’s hostility towards programs focused on diversity, equity and inclusion.
“We’re getting this pushback around identifying race and parental status as systemic areas of oppression,” Atkinson says. It remains to be seen, she says, “whether or not we are going to be able to prevail with the political power and the popular will of these issues, or the rhetoric and the history of racism in our country.”
Washington Looks Elsewhere
That includes the Republican-controlled Congress, which has shown little appetite for cash aid tied to pregnancy.
The Black Maternal Health Momnibus Act, which Booker reintroduced along with Democratic Reps. Lauren Underwood of Illinois and Alma Adams of North Carolina, bundles 14 bills on housing, nutrition, WIC and the perinatal workforce, but not direct cash.
Still, signs suggest the issue – providing cash aid to low-income mothers and their babies – may stay on the front burner as the midterm elections approach in November.
This month, former Vice President Kamala Harris and Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed, both Democrats, hosted a Black maternal health roundtable in Detroit. Danielle Atkinson of Mothering Justice took part.
“Black mamas deserve access to quality healthcare that sees us, listens to us, and understands us at every step of the way,” Atkinson said afterward. “The responsibilities we carry do not end at pregnancy, nor do they disappear when we give birth and want to spend time with our newborn. They stay with us throughout all that we experience.”
Based on reporting by Louisiana Weekly.
Black History
Jamika Phillips: Software Engineer Turned Manicurist Entrepreneur
HOUSTON DEFENDER — Jamika Phillips transformed a two-decade-old dream into Shades The Nail Bar, a Sienna-area salon she opened in January 2022. Phillips, who spent over 20 years in software engineering and global process management, envisioned a nail salon that fosters community, quality care, and client education, aspiring to be the “Cheers” of nail salons.
For Jamika Phillips, getting your nails done should feel like more than another appointment squeezed onto an already crowded calendar.
She wanted a place where the person doing your nails knows your name, remembers what you drink, what colors you like, and maybe even what was happening in your life the last time you sat in their chair.
“I kind of wanted to be the ‘Cheers’ of nail salons,” Phillips said. “I wanted clients to be able to have a community where they could come and know their nail techs, know that they were getting quality care with their nails, and know that we would give them education.”
That vision became Shades The Nail Bar, the Sienna-area salon Phillips opened in January 2022 after leaving a career that had nothing to do with the beauty industry.
A dream decades in the making
Phillips spent more than 20 years in corporate America, working in software engineering and global process management. Her background is in computer science, but the idea of owning a nail salon wouldn’t go away.
“I have notes back from probably 2000 where I would think about the names of the salons that I wanted,” Phillips said. “I still have these pages, and I look back at them and thank God for them every day.”
While still working full time, Phillips enrolled in manicurist school, working her corporate job during the day and attending classes at night and on Saturdays until she earned her license.
“I would work from 9 to 5. I would go to school from 5 to 9 Monday through Friday, on Saturdays from like 8 to 2,” she recalled.
“There were a lot of people that said, ‘Are you sure you want to do this?’…’ `There’s a lot of competition’… ‘Typically, not a lot of Black people own nail salons.’ I refused to let that stop me.”
Jamika Phillips
After moving to Houston with her husband, Phillips prepared to open a salon in the city. She had signed a letter of intent and was about a week away from signing a lease when the COVID-19 pandemic hit.
“I thank God I did not sign the lease,” Phillips said.
The setback redirected her closer to home. While driving through Sienna, where her family lives, Phillips spotted an available space, pulled over, and called the number. The space was available. Shades The Nail Bar was on its way.
Creating a different kind of nail salon

Phillips knew she was entering a crowded industry, but she also saw an opportunity as a Black woman entering a business where few salon owners looked like her.
“There were a lot of people that said, ‘Are you sure you want to do this?’” she said. “There’s a lot of competition. There are nail salons every two miles from each other. Typically, not a lot of Black people own nail salons.”
Instead of discouraging her, Phillips said the skepticism became “ammunition” to keep going.
“Black women spend tons of money in the nail care industry,” Phillips said. “So it was something that I said, we got to do this.”
Even the name Shades was intentional.
“I wanted shades to represent not just the nail polish colors, but I wanted it to represent different shades of nail technicians as well as clientele,” she said.
Today, her staff includes Black, Hispanic, and Asian nail technicians, reflecting the diverse community the business serves.
The salon is also acrylic-free, offering alternatives including builder gel, polygel, and Gel-X. Phillips researches products and often tries them herself before introducing them to clients.
“I’m always looking at new ways to make Shades different.”
Those differences extend beyond nail services. Shades offers complimentary beverages, cleans clients’ rings during appointments, and emphasizes sanitation and nail health.
@shadesthenailbar 50 looks GOOD on you, Lolita! 🥂✨💅🏾 We had the pleasure of being part of Lolita’s 50th birthday celebration, and hearing her share her experience at Shades made it even sweeter. ❤️ There’s something special about celebrating a milestone with a little self-care, beautiful nails, and GOOD energy. Thank you, Lolita, for choosing Shades to be part of such a special birthday. Here’s to 50 and FABULOUS! 🎂✨ Celebrating something special? Come celebrate with us. Book now at ShadesTheNailBar.com 📍 9101 Sienna Crossing Dr., Suite 160 Missouri City, TX 77459 #ShadesTheNailBar#50thBirthday#BirthdayNails#MissouriCityNails#SiennaTX#HoustonNails#BirthdayCelebration♬ original sound – Shades The Nail Bar
But Phillips said its biggest distinction is the relationships.
“We’ve seen them have babies. We’ve seen them lose their babies. We’ve seen them lose their parents. We’ve seen marriages, divorces,” Phillips said. “I mean, we are there for them.”
Staff members send cards and cookies during important moments and often know a regular client’s preferred drink before the client asks.
“We really do try to build and bond a relationship with our clientele so that they know that, hey, we are here for them,” Phillips said.
Shades also supports local schools, churches, and Fort Bend-area charitable efforts.
Corporate lessons meet entrepreneurship

Phillips may have traded software engineering for nail polish, but she didn’t leave her corporate experience behind. She said the leadership, teamwork, and organizational skills she developed during more than two decades in corporate America became the foundation for running Shades.
“I can’t say that I was an entrepreneur by trade,” she said. “A lot of those things — the leadership, the teamwork, the organizational skills — all those things were built over my corporate career.”
Entrepreneurship brought its own lessons, from finding vendors who understood her vision to keeping detailed financial records, building the right team, and maintaining strong customer service.
Phillips credits her husband and children with supporting her through missed family dinners and soccer games. She also credits mentor LeeVera Smith, a business adviser with the Small Business Development Center, with helping her develop the business plan that became Shades’ foundation.
“Jamika is one of those people who wants to learn everything to bring her customers the best experience,” Smith said. “I’m supposed to be her mentor, but I learn so much from her.”
Phillips’ girlfriends also pitched in, proofreading her website, organizing supplies, offering feedback, and talking her through the inevitable difficult days.
Because Phillips knows better than most that dreams don’t always arrive on schedule. Sometimes they sit quietly in notebooks for 20 years before you finally decide it’s time to bet on yourself.
Based on reporting by Houston Defender.
Art
Inside 820 S. Michigan: New Book Captures the Lost World of Ebony and Jet
CHICAGO DEFENDER — A new photography book offers a rare look inside the former Johnson Publishing Company headquarters at 820 S. Michigan Ave., the longtime home of Ebony and Jet magazines. Titled 820 Ebony/Jet: Visions of the Johnson Publishing Company, an American Icon, the book features photographs by Barbara Karant documenting the building’s interiors.
A new photography book is giving readers a rare look inside one of the most important buildings in Black media history.
820 Ebony/Jet: Visions of the Johnson Publishing Company, an American Icon, published Tuesday by MW Editions, features photographs by Chicago photographer Barbara Karant documenting the former Johnson Publishing Company headquarters at 820 S. Michigan Ave., the longtime home of Ebony and Jet magazines. Pasted markdown
The 240-page book preserves the building’s striking interiors, many of which no longer exist in their original form, while also examining the larger cultural legacy of Johnson Publishing Company and its influence on Black media, design, photography and American culture.
Designed by architect John W. Moutoussamy and completed in 1972, the building was the first, and remains the only, high-rise in downtown Chicago designed by an African American architect. Built for publisher John H. Johnson, the headquarters became a physical expression of the ambition and influence of one of the nation’s most important Black-owned media companies.
While the building’s exterior reflected Moutoussamy’s restrained modernist style, the inside told a very different story.
Designers Arthur Elrod and William Raiser filled the headquarters with bold colors, geometric patterns, mirrored surfaces, rich textures and dramatic materials across 11 floors. The result was a workplace that looked unlike the traditional corporate offices of its era. Pasted markdown
Karant began photographing the building after Johnson Publishing sold the property in 2010 and relocated in 2012. Between 2013 and 2015, and again in 2018, she documented the largely vacant interiors after employees and much of the furniture had been removed.
What remained were the colors, patterns and architectural details that had helped define the company’s visual identity.
Her photographs capture spaces ranging from the cafeteria’s orange, purple and gold designs to Eunice Johnson’s cream-and-honey office, mirrored dressing rooms and the executive floor’s expansive views of Lake Michigan and Grant Park. Pasted markdown
Among the building’s most memorable spaces was the famed Ebony Test Kitchen.
Known for its vivid colors, psychedelic patterns and distinctive cabinetry, the kitchen became a visual reflection of Ebony magazine’s influence on food, lifestyle and Black culture. Karant photographed the kitchen as part of the larger architectural story of the headquarters. Pasted markdown
“The building was almost like a portrait of Johnson Publishing Company itself,” Karant said. “Even after the people and furnishings were gone, the colors, patterns, textures and spaces still conveyed the creativity, confidence and extraordinary cultural presence of the company.”
The photographs have taken on even greater significance because much of what Karant documented has since disappeared.
Following the building’s conversion, substantial portions of the original interiors were removed. The Ebony Test Kitchen was dismantled and preserved separately, making Karant’s images one of the most extensive visual records of how the headquarters looked during Johnson Publishing Company’s decades on Michigan Avenue. Pasted markdown
The book also includes photographs of sculptor Richard Hunt’s Expansive Construction, a work commissioned for the building’s lobby, as well as images of the company’s in-house photography studio and archival views of the original interiors.
But 820 Ebony/Jet goes beyond architecture.
The book includes a foreword by photography historian Deborah Willis, six scholarly essays and personal reflections from former Johnson Publishing Company employees. Together, the contributions explore the company’s role in Black visual representation, media, photography, art and design, while offering firsthand accounts of what it was like to work inside the building. Pasted markdown
For generations, Ebony and Jet helped shape how Black America saw itself and how the country saw Black America.
The magazines documented everything from politics and the civil rights movement to fashion, entertainment, family life and culture. Johnson Publishing Company also became an influential force in photography, beauty, design and popular culture.
That legacy extended well beyond the pages of its magazines.
The new book examines Johnson Publishing Company’s continuing influence on artists including Theaster Gates, Hank Willis Thomas, Kwame Brathwaite, Lorna Simpson, Martine Syms and David Hartt. Pasted markdown
For Chicago, the book serves as both an architectural record and a cultural archive. It preserves a place where Black entrepreneurship, media, art and design converged at a scale rarely seen before or since.
820 Ebony/Jet: Visions of the Johnson Publishing Company, an American Icon is available now from MW Editions. The hardcover volume includes 150 photographs and is priced at $65. Pasted markdown
Karant is also scheduled to present the book during Modernism Week at the Palm Springs Art Museum on Feb. 15, 2027, where she will discuss the connection between the Johnson Publishing Company headquarters and the design legacy of Arthur Elrod and William Raiser.
The post Inside 820 S. Michigan: New Book Captures the Lost World of Ebony and Jet appeared first on Chicago Defender.
Based on reporting by Chicago Defender.
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