Connect with us

National

Deadly Force, in Black and White: An Analysis of Killings by Police Shows Outsize Risk for Young Black Males

Published

on

Ferguson, Mo., protesters leave arm-in-arm after being released from jail Friday. Protesters have been a constant presence in the St. Louis suburb in the nearly two months since Michael Brown was shot and killed by a police officer. A federal judge on Monday issued a preliminary injunction halting a police practice of requiring protesters to keep moving rather than stand. (Robert Cohen/AP Photo)

Ferguson, Mo., protesters leave arm-in-arm after being released from jail Friday. Protesters have been a constant presence in the St. Louis suburb in the nearly two months since Michael Brown was shot and killed by a police officer. (Robert Cohen/AP Photo)

 

by Ryan Gabrielson, Ryann Grochowski Jones and Eric Sagara
Special to the NNPA from ProPublica

Special Report

 

Young Black males in recent years were at a far greater risk of being shot dead by police than their White counterparts – 21 times greater, according to a ProPublica analysis of federally collected data on fatal police shootings.

The 1,217 deadly police shootings from 2010 to 2012 captured in the federal data show that Blacks, age 15 to 19, were killed at a rate of 31.17 per million, while just 1.47 per million White males in that age range died at the hands of police.

One way of appreciating that stark disparity, ProPublica’s analysis shows, is to calculate how many more Whites over those three years would have had to have been killed for them to have been at equal risk. The number is jarring – 185, more than one per week.

ProPublica’s risk analysis on young males killed by police certainly seems to support what has been an article of faith in the African American community for decades: Blacks are being killed at disturbing rates when set against the rest of the American population.

Our examination involved detailed accounts of more than 12,000 police homicides stretching from 1980 to 2012 contained in the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide Report. The data, annually self-reported by hundreds of police departments across the country, confirms some assumptions, runs counter to others, and adds nuance to a wide range of questions about the use of deadly police force.

Colin Loftin, University at Albany professor and co-director of the Violence Research Group, said the FBI data is a minimum count of homicides by police, and that it is impossible to precisely measure what puts people at risk of homicide by police without more and better records. Still, what the data shows about the race of victims and officers, and the circumstances of killings, are “certainly relevant,” Loftin said.

“No question, there are all kinds of racial disparities across our criminal justice system,” he said. “This is one example.”

The FBI’s data has appeared in news accounts over the years, and surfaced again with the August killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. To a great degree, observers and experts lamented the limited nature of the FBI’s reports. Their shortcomings are inarguable.

The data, for instance, is terribly incomplete. Vast numbers of the country’s 17,000 police departments don’t file fatal police shooting reports at all, and many have filed reports for some years but not others. Florida departments haven’t filed reports since 1997 and New York City last reported in 2007. Information contained in the individual reports can also be flawed. Still, lots of the reporting police departments are in larger cities, and at least 1000 police departments filed a report or reports over the 33 years.

There is, then, value in what the data can show while accepting, and accounting for, its limitations. Indeed, while the absolute numbers are problematic, a comparison between white and black victims shows important trends. Our analysis included dividing the number of people of each race killed by police by the number of people of that race living in the country at the time, to produce two different rates: the risk of getting killed by police if you are white and if you are Black.

David Klinger, a University of Missouri-St. Louis professor and expert on police use of deadly force, said racial disparities in the data could result from “measurement error,” meaning that the unreported killings could alter ProPublica’s findings.

However, he said the disparity between black and white teenage boys is so wide, “I doubt the measurement error would account for that.”

ProPublica spent weeks digging into the many rich categories of information the reports hold: the race of the officers involved; the circumstances cited for the use of deadly force; the age of those killed.

Who Gets Killed?

The finding that young Black men are 21 times as likely as their White peers to be killed by police is drawn from reports filed for the years 2010 to 2012, the three most recent years for which FBI numbers are available.

The Black boys killed can be disturbingly young. There were 41 teens 14 years or younger reported killed by police from 1980 to 2012 ii. 27 of them were Black; 8 were White; 4 were Hispanic v and 1 was Asian.

That’s not to say officers weren’t killing white people. Indeed, some 44 percent of all those killed by police across the 33 years were White.

White or Black, though, those slain by police tended to be roughly the same age. The average age of Blacks killed by police was 30. The average age of Whites was 35.

Who is killing all those Black men and boys?

Mostly White officers. But in hundreds of instances, Black officers, too. Black officers account for a little more than 10 percent of all fatal police shootings. Of those they kill, though, 78 percent were Black.

White officers, given their great numbers in so many of the country’s police departments, are well represented in all categories of police killings. White officers killed 91 percent of the Whites who died at the hands of police. And they were responsible for 68 percent of the people of color killed. Those people of color represented 46 percent of all those killed by White officers.

What were the circumstances surrounding all these fatal encounters?

There were 151 instances in which police noted that teens they had shot dead had been fleeing or resisting arrest at the time of the encounter. 67 percent of those killed in such circumstances were Black. That disparity was even starker in the last couple of years: of the 15 teens shot fleeing arrest from 2010 to 2012, 14 were Black.

Did police always list the circumstances of the killings? No, actually, there were many deadly shooting where the circumstances were listed as “undetermined.” 77 percent of those killed in such instances were Black.

Certainly, there were instances where police truly feared for their lives.

Of course, although the data show that police reported that as the cause of their actions in far greater numbers after the 1985 Supreme Court decision that said police could only justify using deadly force if the suspects posed a threat to the officer or others. From 1980 to 1984, “officer under attack” was listed as the cause for 33 percent of the deadly shootings. Twenty years later, looking at data from 2005 to 2009, “officer under attack” was cited in 62 percent xxxvii of police killings.

Does the data include cases where police killed people with something other than a standard service handgun?

Yes, and the Los Angeles Police Department stood out in its use of shotguns. Most police killings involve officers firing handguns. But from 1980 to 2012, 714 involved the use of a shotgun xli. The Los Angeles Police Department has a special claim on that category. It accounted for 47 cases xlii in which an officer used a shotgun. The next highest total came from the Dallas Police Department.

 

###

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Comments

Black History

Beyond the Job Search: DC Black MBA Invests in Helping Black Women Reclaim Their Next Chapter

WASHINGTON INFORMER — Black women in the Washington metropolitan region are facing employment challenges, with revised data showing approximately 251,000 job losses between January and August 2025. This accounts for over half of all female employment losses during that period, despite Black women making up only 14.1% of the female workforce.

Published

on

Geraldine P. White
Geraldine P. White

For Black women across the Washington metropolitan region, the changing employment landscape is about more than a paycheck. It can mean reassessing a career, redefining success and deciding what comes next.

The numbers underscore the challenge. Revised employment data show that approximately 251,000 Black women lost jobs between January and August 2025, accounting for more than half of the employment losses among women during that period, despite Black women representing just 14.1% of the female workforce. By the end of 2025, there were 113,000 fewer Black women employed than at the beginning of the year.

The impact has been particularly significant in the DMV, where federal employment has long provided economic stability and career opportunities for Black professionals. Maryland alone lost approximately 25,000 federal jobs in 2025, according to state employment data.

For DC Black MBA, those realities call for support that extends beyond helping women find their next job.

“I am focused on doing more and providing as many opportunities as possible for Black women to invest in themselves both professionally and personally,” said Dr. Carletta S. Hurt, president of the DC Black MBA. “We know that when Black women proceed and prosper, everyone benefits.”

That commitment is behind Leading with Intention by Investing in Self, a three-part, in-person workshop series hosted by DC Black MBA in partnership with Blu Topaz Inc. Educational Consulting.

The series builds on the chapter’s August Women’s Symposium, MastHERpiece: Designing a Life with Intention, which challenged women to see themselves as architects of their careers, wealth, wellness and impact. The new workshops take that conversation a step further, asking women to consider where they can work next and who they want to become next.

The series opens Oct. 22 with “Recalibrating Your Compass,” led by Geraldine P. White, Founder and CEO of Identity & Impact. White will guide participants through questions of identity, direction and purpose.

“You can be proud of what you’ve built and ready for something different. Both can be true,” White said. “Investing in yourself includes giving yourself permission to revisit an earlier definition of success and consider what you want your next chapter to make possible.”

Tonya Camille

On Oct. 29, Tonya Camille, creator of Me in the Making and Unstuck & Inspired, will lead “Successful, But Stuck: How High-Achieving Professionals Reconnect, Realign & Move Forward.”

Her interactive workshop will help women identify fears, limiting beliefs and recurring patterns that may prevent them from moving forward, while developing a concrete next step. “You can’t change what you won’t acknowledge, and you can’t transform what you’re unwilling to confront,” Camille said.

The series concludes Nov. 5 with nonprofit leader, author and consultant Tokiwa T. Smith leading “Rest is Revolutionary.”Her session challenges a familiar expectation placed upon Black women: that achievement and service to others must come at the expense of themselves.

Tokiwa T. Smith

Smith said Black women must recognize that prioritizing themselves, setting boundaries and making room for joy are not signs of diminished ambition. “I believe we thrive when we engage in self-care and community care,” Smith said.

For Hurt, the goal is to create space for Black women to move beyond reacting to an uncertain economy and begin intentionally determining what comes next.

A job loss can require a new résumé. A changing workplace may demand new skills. However, a life transition can also become an invitation to reconsider purpose, boundaries, entrepreneurship, leadership, rest and the meaning of success itself.

For more information, visit the DC Black MBA website (www.dcblackmbaa.org)/.

Based on reporting by Washington Informer.



Continue Reading

Black History

Can Black Houston Create a Black Tech Corridor?

HOUSTON DEFENDER — Black professionals remain significantly underrepresented in the American technology sector, holding only 7.4% of high-tech jobs despite making up 12.7% of the U.S. workforce in 2025. This disparity is even wider for Black women, who constitute less than 3% of the tech workforce.

Published

on

From Third Ward to the Ion, Houston has technology assets that could become a coordinated engine for Black innovation, ownership and wealth. Credit: ChatGPT
From Third Ward to the Ion, Houston has technology assets that could become a coordinated engine for Black innovation, ownership and wealth. Credit: ChatGPT — Credit: ChatGPT

For years, technology has been one of America’s fastest-growing economic sectors—and one where Black professionals remain significantly underrepresented.

In 2025, Black workers made up 12.7% of the U.S. workforce, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, but only 7.4% of the high-tech workforce, according to the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Their share of high-tech employment had remained essentially stagnant since 2005. Black workers also represented just 5.7% of high-tech managers.

For Black women, the gap is even wider. A 2023 Kapor Foundation report found Black women represented less than 3% of the tech workforce, with even fewer in decision-making and ownership roles.

So, instead of waiting for the broader technology industry to solve its representation problem, could Black Houston build something of its own?

The answer: Yes—but not simply by drawing a line on a map.

Houston has the pieces

Dr. Reagan Flowers, founder of C-STEM and Education Consulting Services, believes Houston already possesses many of the building blocks needed for a Black Tech Corridor.

“What I have not seen is the intentionality to connect, capitalize, and organize assets into an ecosystem where Black Houstonians can create, own, and scale technology companies and participate meaningfully in the wealth those companies generate,” said Flowers.

She contends Houston already offers examples of what a technology ecosystem can look like.

The Texas Medical Center’s innovation infrastructure demonstrates the power of institutional partnerships, specialized facilities, and venture funding. The Ion District demonstrates how universities, corporations, entrepreneurs, real estate, and capital can converge. TXRX Labs shows the value of community-accessible maker and technical-skills infrastructure.

Flowers argues Black Houston can learn from all three without simply copying them. The goal, she said, should be a hybrid public-private-community ownership model.

Third Ward makes sense

If there is a geographic spine for such an ecosystem, Flowers points to Third Ward—particularly Emancipation Avenue. Its location is difficult to ignore.

Third Ward sits near Texas Southern University, the University of Houston, and Houston Community College, and connects to Midtown, the Ion District, and the Texas Medical Center.

UH already has a commercialization platform that takes innovations through invention, prototyping, licensing, venture creation, investor connections, and market expansion. Its Technology Bridge provides a large innovation park with laboratories, offices, and space for technology companies.

“To the west is Rice’s Ion District,” shared Flowers. “To the southwest is the Texas Medical Center and its health-tech commercialization engine.”

In other words, Black Houston would not have to build an ecosystem from scratch.

“The pieces are already on the board,” said Flowers. “They have not been organized around Black technology ownership and wealth creation.”

Is there already one?

Parts of a Black tech ecosystem clearly exist. Houston has Black technology professionals, Black-owned startups, STEM nonprofits, workforce development programs, minority business organizations, Black founders and investors, universities that produce diverse talent, and historically Black fraternities and sororities that support innovation.

Kara Branch. Courtesy: Kara Branch. Credit: Courtesy: Kara Branch.

But Kara Branch, founder and CEO of Black Girls Do Engineer, cautions against defining success by geography alone.

“I think the conversation needs to be bigger than creating a physical ‘corridor,’” said Branch. “A successful technology ecosystem should be measured by what it produces for the community—not simply where it is located or who occupies the space.”

Loretta Williams Gurnell, founder and CEO of SUPERGirls SHINE Foundation, agrees.

“I believe we have one, yet a successful Black tech corridor cannot simply be viewed as a geographic location. It must function as an ecosystem,” offered Gurnell.

That ecosystem would connect K-12 STEM education, colleges and universities, workforce development, entrepreneurs, startups, corporations, investors, innovation hubs, government, faith communities, and civic organizations.

The objective: Create a seamless pathway from classroom to career to entrepreneurship.

Ownership is the point

Why does Black Houston need a Black-centered technology ecosystem? Because access doesn’t automatically equal ownership.

“As AI, automation, cybersecurity, data analytics, robotics, and emerging technologies continue reshaping the economy, we must ask: Who is building the technology? Who owns the companies? Who owns the intellectual property? Who receives the investment capital? Who benefits economically?” pondered Gurnell.

Those questions matter because technology increasingly drives wealth creation.

Laolu Davies-Yemitan, founding principal of Five Woods Realty, similarly argues that participation alone is insufficient.

“If the Black community is going to capture a meaningful share of the wealth generated by the next generation of technological innovation, the pathway must increasingly include ownership—ownership of companies, intellectual property, real estate, investment capital, and the institutions that support entrepreneurial growth,”

– Laolu Davies-Yemitan, founding principal of Five Woods Realty

“If the Black community is going to capture a meaningful share of the wealth generated by the next generation of technological innovation, the pathway must increasingly include ownership—ownership of companies, intellectual property, real estate, investment capital, and the institutions that support entrepreneurial growth,” shared Davies-Yemitan.

Real barriers

Building the corridor—or innovation district—will not be easy. Capital is perhaps the biggest obstacle. Black founders receive a disproportionately small share of venture funding, making it harder to scale companies, hire workers, and conduct research.

Then there is fragmentation. Houston has organizations doing valuable work in STEM education, entrepreneurship, workforce development, and innovation, but many operate independently rather than as parts of a coordinated ecosystem.

Loretta Williams Gurnell. Courtesy: Loretta Williams Gurnell. Credit: Courtesy: Loretta Williams Gurnell.

Talent pipelines also require attention. Young people in underserved communities can face limited exposure to STEM, limited access to technology resources, mentorship, and professional networks, and limited knowledge of technology careers. Gurnell’s philosophy is straightforward: Exposure creates aspiration; information drives preparation; preparation creates access.

Digital inequity remains another challenge, including disparities in broadband access, devices, digital literacy, and training in advanced technology. And then there’s social capital.

“Deals are made through trusted relationships,” Gurnell said. “Therefore, those relationships have to be exposed, nurtured, and strengthened.”

Branch adds another warning: Houston cannot confuse activity with impact.

“There can be a lot of panels, events, programs, announcements, and conversations,” she said. “But doing the work means consistently showing up after the spotlight is gone.”

Build talent before buildings

That may be the most important lesson.

“The conversation should not begin with buildings,” said Gurnell. “It should begin with talent.”

That means investing in early STEM exposure, workforce readiness, mentorship, entrepreneurship, capital access, and collaboration among nonprofits, corporations, universities, philanthropies, government, and industry.

Branch points to Black Girls Do Engineer’s STEMXUS EdTech infrastructure as an example of building rather than merely discussing solutions.

“We don’t want a young person to simply hear that engineering, technology, or innovation are possible careers,” Branch said. “We want them to build something, solve a problem, use the technology, meet professionals, develop skills, and understand what their next step can be.”

Branch’s litmus test asks, did someone gain a skill, get a job, launch a business, discover a career, or secure capital or customers? Did a family gain access to opportunity?

From corridor to economy

Flowers suggests thinking beyond a traditional corridor and toward a Black Innovation District; one that connects Third Ward, TSU, UH, and HCC with the Ion, TMC, and Houston’s manufacturing and maker infrastructure.

Rather than competing with Houston’s existing innovation centers, it could become connective tissue between those institutions and Black Houston.

“The pieces are already on the board. They have not been organized around Black technology ownership and wealth creation.”

Dr. Reagan Flowers

Gurnell envisions additional benefits.

“The greatest opportunity before us is not simply creating a Black tech corridor,” Gurnell said. “It is creating a Black innovation economy.”

The infrastructure for such a corridor/economy exists. The question is whether Black Houston can summon the intentionality, investment, collaboration, and ownership required to make it happen.

Based on reporting by Houston Defender.



Continue Reading

Black History

OPINION: Black Capitalism Re-Analyzed: June 5, 1971 – Huey Newton

SF BAY VIEW — Huey P. Newton, writing on June 5, 1971, reaffirmed the Black Panther Party’s foundational stance against capitalist robbery within the Black community, a position held since October 1966. While acknowledging that many have proposed Black capitalism as a solution, Newton asserted that the community’s general acceptance of the concept does not stem from an affinity for capitalism itself.

Published

on

Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton raises his arms above a crowd of supporters. In his 1971 essay “Black Capitalism Re-Analyzed,” Newton argues that power means the ability of people to control their own destiny.
Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton raises his arms above a crowd of supporters. In his 1971 essay “Black Capitalism Re-Analyzed,” Newton argues that power means the ability of people to control their own destiny.

“We want an end to the robbery by the CAPITALISTS of our Black community.” That was our position in October 1966 and it is still our position … However, many people have offered the community Black capitalism as a solution to our problems. We recognize that people in the Black community have no general dislike for the concept of Black capitalism, but this is not because they are in love with capitalism. Not at all.”

The Black Panther Party, as we begin to carry out the original vision of the Party. When we coined the expression “All Power to the People,” we had in mind emphasizing the word “Power,” for we recognize that the will to power is the basic drive of man. But it is incorrect to seek power over people. We have been subjected to the dehumanizing power of exploitation and racism for hundreds of years; and the Black community has its own will to power also. What we seek, however, is not power over people, but the power to control our own destiny. For us the true definition of power is not in terms of how many people you can control. To us power is, first of all, the ability to define phenomena, and secondly the ability to make these phenomena act in a desired manner.

We see then that power has a dual character and that we cannot simply identify and define phenomena without acting, for to do so is to become an armchair philosopher. And when Bobby and I left Merritt College to organize brothers on the block, we did so because the college students were too content to sit around and analyze without acting. On the other hand, power includes action, for it is making phenomena perform in the desired manner. But action without thinking and theory is also incorrect. If the social forces at work in the community have not been correctly analyzed and defined, how can you control them in such a way that they act in a desired manner? So the Black Panther Party has always merged theory and practice in such a way as to serve the true interests of the community.

huey-plo-1, BLACK CAPITALISM RE-ANALYZED I: JUNE 5, 1971- HUEY NEWTON, Featured News & Views World News & Views
Minister of Defense of the Black Panther party, Huey P. Newton, visited a Palestinian Refugee camp in Lebanon, in 1980.

In merging theory with practice, we recognized that it was necessary to develop a theory which was valid for more than one time and place. We wanted to develop a system of thinking which was good anywhere, thus it had to be rather abstract. Yet our theory would relate to a concrete analysis of concrete conditions so that our actions would always be relevant and profitable to the people. Yet, at the same time, it had to advance their thinking so that they would move toward a transformation of their situation of exploitation and oppression. We have always insisted on good theory and good practice, but we have not always been successful in carrying this through.

‘When the Black Panther Party defected from the Black community, we became, for a while, revolutionary cultists. One of the primary characteristics of a revolutionary cultist is that he despises everyone who has not reached his level of consciousness, or the level of consciousness that he thinks he has reached, instead of acting to bring the people to that level. In that way the revolutionary cultist becomes divided from the people; he defects from the community. Instead of serving the people as a vanguard, he becomes a hero. Heroes engage in very courageous actions sometimes, and they often make great sacrifices, including the supreme sacrifice, but they are still isolated from the people. Their courageous actions and sacrifices do not lead the people to a higher level of consciousness, nor do they produce fundamental changes in the exploitation and oppression of the people. A vanguard, however, will guide the people onto higher levels of consciousness and that way bring them to the point where they will take sterner actions in their own interests and against those who continue to oppress them. As I’ve said previously, revolution is a process, not a conclusion. A true revolutionist will not only take courageous actions, he will also try to advance the people in such a manner that they will transform their situation. That I, by delivering power to the people the true revolutionist will help them define the social phenomena in their community and lead them to the point where they will seize the time and make these phenomena act in a desired manner.

Therefore, as revolutionaries we must recognize the difference between what the people can do and what they will do. They can do anything they desire to do, but they will only take those actions which are consistent with their level of consciousness and their understanding of the situation. When we raise their consciousness, they will understand even more fully what they in fact can do, and they will move on the situation in a courageous manner. This is merging your theory with your practices. Point 3 of the original Ten-Point Program of the Black Panther Party is “We want an end to the robbery by the CAPITALISTS of our Black Community.”

That was our position in October 1966 and it is still our position. We recognize that capitalism is no solution to the problems we face in our communities. Capitalist exploitation is one of the basic causes of our problem. It is the goal of the Black Panther Party to negate capitalism in our communities and in the oppressed communities throughout the world.

However, many people have offered the community Black capitalism as a solution to our problems. We recognize that people in the Black community have no general dislike for the concept of Black capitalism, but this is not because they are in love with capitalism. Not at all. The idea of Black capitalism has come to mean to many people Black control of another one of the institutions in the community. We see within this characteristic the seeds of the negation of Black capitalism and all capitalism in general. What we must do then is increase the positive qualities until they dominate the negative and therefore transform the situation.

In the past the Black Panther Party took a counter revolutionary position with our blanket condemnation of Black capitalism. Our strategy should have been to analyze the positive and negative qualities of this phenomenon before making any condemnation. Even though we recognized, and correctly so, that capitalism is no solution or answer, we did not make a truly dialectical analysis of the situation. We recognized that in order to bring the people to the level of consciousness where they would seize the time, it would be necessary to serve their interests in survival by developing programs which would help them to meet their daily needs. For a long time we have had such programs not only for survival but for organizational purposes. Now we not only have a breakfast program for schoolchildren, we have clothing programs, we have health clinics which provide free medical and dental services, we have programs for prisoners and their families, and we are opening clothing and shoe factories to provide for more of the needs of the community.In a way our new position has the simplicity and completeness of a mathematical formula.

When the Black capitalist contributes to the survival programs and makes a contribution to the community, the community will give him their support and thus strengthen his business. If he does not make any contribution to the survival of the community, the people will not support him and his enterprise will wither away because of his own negligence. By supporting the community, however, he will be helping to build the political machine that will eventually negate his exploitation of the community, but also negate his being exploited and victimized by corporate capitalism.

So we will heighten the contradiction between the Black community and corporate capitalism, while at the same time reducing the contradiction between the Black capitalist and the Black community. In this way Black capitalism will be transformed from a relationship of exploitation of the community to a relationship of service to the community, which will contribute to the survival of everyone.

Original publication: Huey P. Newton, “Black Capitalism Re-Analyzed,” The Black Panther: Intercommunal News Service, June 5, 1971 (supplement). Archival scan: https:// cdn.filepicker.io/api/file/Mum1pt7RZ6jYSUs1kh2v?fit=max

The post BLACK CAPITALISM RE-ANALYZED I: JUNE 5, 1971- HUEY NEWTON appeared first on San Francisco Bay View.

Based on reporting by SF Bay View.



Continue Reading

Black Press

More Families to Benefit from Evidence-Based Home Visiting

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The MIECHV program reaches families where services are needed most, including those who are rural, low-income, and at greater risk of poor health outcomes. Trained home visitors meet regularly with expecting mothers and families with young children. Decades of gold-standard scientific research show that voluntary home visits during pregnancy and early childhood can help prevent chronic disease and child abuse and neglect.

Published

on

Faraha and her daughter celebrate her success, thanks in part to the Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting program.
Faraha and her daughter celebrate her success, thanks in part to the Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting program.

The Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting (MIECHV) program supports voluntary, evidence-based home visiting for expectant parents and families with young children, particularly in communities facing greater barriers to positive maternal and child health outcomes.

The U.S Department of Health and Human Services’ agency Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) recently announced more than $525 million in fiscal year (FY) 2026 Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting (MIECHV) Program awards to 56 state and jurisdiction recipients — the largest federal investment in the program’s history.

There are examples of the program success across the country. For instance, in Florida, Tracy says she gained the confidence and support to overcome challenges and achieve her goals. With the guidance of her home visitor, she strengthened her parenting skills, prioritized her well-being, and advanced her career. Today, Tracy continues to set goals for herself and her family and says, “This program has provided me with the tools to not just survive but to thrive.”

In California, Faraha said “I became pregnant and…I knew I wanted to make a difference in my life and that of my child. The home visiting program not only helped me as a mom, but also with my growth to….better myself, and now I’m in a position that I’ve always wanted to be in.” Faraha is currently employed and pursuing a master’s degree to become a licensed counselor.

HRSA Administrator Tom Engels announced the new awards in Columbus, Ohio, on Child Health Day. The awards will expand access to evidence-based home visiting services that improve maternal and child health, promote healthy child development, and connect families with the support they need during pregnancy and early childhood.

“MIECHV reflects a simple idea: supporting parents early gives children a stronger start. Parents are a child’s first and most important teacher, and by giving them the tools and support they need, we help create a strong foundation for children to thrive,” said Administrator Engels.

The MIECHV program reaches families where services are needed most, including those who are rural, low-income, and at greater risk of poor health outcomes. Trained home visitors meet regularly with expecting mothers and families with young children. Decades of gold-standard scientific research show that voluntary home visits during pregnancy and early childhood can help prevent chronic disease and child abuse and neglect, promote school readiness, and boost families’ economic self-sufficiency.

These awards include both base and matching grants. Base grants provide foundational support for evidence-based home visiting programs in every eligible state and jurisdiction, while matching grants help recipients expand services and reach more eligible families. In FY 2026, 55 of the 56 award recipients applied for and received matching grant awards, reflecting the continued commitment of our state partners to expand evidence-based home visiting services in communities across the country.

Since its reauthorization in 2022, the MIECHV program has served 15 percent more parents and children and delivered 23 percent more home visits. In FY 2025, the program provided more than 1 million home visits to more than 158,000 parents and children across one-third of all U.S. counties, helping connect families with services that support healthy pregnancies, positive parenting, child development, and family economic well-being.

As home visiting services expand, a strong and well-supported workforce is essential to meeting the needs of more families.

Continue Reading

Black Press

WCCUSD Joins Statewide Organic School Food Purchasing Cooperative

Other districts involved include: Alameda USD, Albany USD, Berkeley USD, Capistrano USD, Cupertino Union SD, Hayward USD, Laguna Beach USD, Lagunitas Elementary SD, Mt. Diablo USD, North Monterey County USD, Pajaro Valley USD, San Leandro USD, San Ramon Valley USD, Santa Clara USD, Sausalito Marin City SD, Tahoe-Truckee USD and West Contra Costa USD.

Published

on

West Contra Costa Unified School District food services team members pose for a photo at Back-to-School Night. Photo courtesy of WCCUSD.
West Contra Costa Unified School District food services team members pose for a photo at Back-to-School Night. Photo courtesy of WCCUSD.

Seventeen California public school districts, including West Contra Costa Unified (WCCUSD), have joined a purchasing cooperative to pool their buying power and expand access to organic food in school meals.

The nonprofit Conscious Kitchen recently announced the launch of the Conscious Organic School Food Purchasing Cooperative. Its founding districts serve more than 300,000 students combined.

The cooperative partnered with food distributors UNFI and Sysco to expand the organic products available to participating districts. Combining schools’ purchasing demand helps distributors plan with suppliers while creating more dependable markets for organic farmers and food makers, according to Conscious Kitchen.

Other eligible California school districts can access the cooperative’s products and pricing through its existing contracts without conducting their own bids. Mt. Diablo Unified School District serves as the lead district for the cooperative’s grocery bid.

Other districts involved include: Alameda USD, Albany USD, Berkeley USD, Capistrano USD, Cupertino Union SD, Hayward USD, Laguna Beach USD, Lagunitas Elementary SD, Mt. Diablo USD, North Monterey County USD, Pajaro Valley USD, San Leandro USD, San Ramon Valley USD, Santa Clara USD, Sausalito Marin City SD, Tahoe-Truckee USD and West Contra Costa USD.

Barbara Jellison, WCCUSD’s executive director of food services, said the cooperative builds on years of work bringing fresh, organic food into school kitchens.

“The next challenge has always been how to make that possible for more districts,” Jellison said. “The Co-op gives schools a way to take what we have learned and move it to a completely different scale.”

Continue Reading

Black Press

Democrats, Community Groups Back Measure EE to Change How Oakland Is Governed

Along with clearer executive responsibility, the Charter reform would also create new checks and balances, including an independent Budget and Legislative Analyst office, City Council confirmation of key appointments, expanded council hearing and subpoena authority, and give the council the ability to override a mayoral veto with six votes.

Published

on

Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee. Courtesy of Mayor Barbara Lee’s office.
Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee. Courtesy of Mayor Barbara Lee’s office.

The Alameda County Democratic Party has voted to endorse Measure EE, the Oakland Charter reform measure on the November 2026 ballot. The party’s endorsement is announced alongside a broad coalition of organizations spanning labor, business, faith, and community advocacy, including Oakland Rising Action that are also supporting the measure.

Those supporters include:

  • League of Women Voters of Oakland
  • AFSCME Council 57
  • SPUR
  • Bay Area Council
  • Black Women Organized for Political Action
  • Faith in Action East Bay
  • Oakland Chamber of Commerce
  • Oakland Rising Action
  • Revitalize East Bay
  • Empower Oakland

Measure EE would reform Oakland’s hybrid governance system by establishing a strong-mayor structure, making the mayor the city’s chief executive, responsible for delivering effective, efficient services.

The measure would also reform and expand responsibilities of City Councilmembers.

Measure EE would create clearer lines of responsibility for the performance of city government, allowing voters to evaluate the mayor based on how effectively the city delivers services and produces results.

Along with clearer executive responsibility, the Charter reform would also create new checks and balances, including an independent Budget and Legislative Analyst office, City Council confirmation of key appointments, expanded council hearing and subpoena authority, and give the council the ability to override a mayoral veto with six votes. 

“Oakland voters deserve a City Hall where they know exactly who’s responsible when something goes wrong and exactly who to credit when it gets fixed. Measure EE puts that responsibility squarely with the mayor, backed by real checks and balances, so Oakland can finally move as fast as its problems demand. That’s why the Alameda County Democratic Party is proud to stand behind it,” said Igor Tregub, chair of the Alameda County Democratic Party. 

Oakland Rising Action, a collaboration of racial, economic, and environmental justice organizations, has also issued a press statement explaining its support for Measure EE.

Measure EE “represents a critical opportunity for residents to clarify the governance role of the Oakland Mayor and City Council, so we, as residents, know who to hold accountable for the execution of voter-approved and budgeted services within city departments,” the statement said.

Measure EE would reform Oakland’s Charter, which is the city’s Constitution, strengthening “the role of the mayor as the CEO of Oakland, with the city administrator being hired and managed by the mayor explicitly.”

The measure would also strengthen oversight of city departments by mandating reporting directly to the City Council and provide the mayor with veto power in approving policies and the budget.

Measure EE was placed on the ballot by the Oakland City Council in June 2026. For more than half a year, the mayor’s working group on Charter reform engaged residents and elected officials on the options for governance of Oakland, which led to Measure EE. 

“Oaklanders need clarity about who is responsible for the management of our city departments, our tax dollars, and our voter-approved ballot measures,” said Pecolia Manigo, executive director of Oakland Rising. 

“The average resident believes that we already have a strong mayor system,” she continued. “However, this is simply not the truth in our City Charter. It is time for us to stop talking about the Charter changes Oakland needs. This is the first of many Charter reforms that are needed to improve conditions in Oakland, especially the flatlands. It’s time all voters start paying attention to who is making decisions for Oakland. This election allows us to say how we believe Oakland should be governed.”

Continue Reading

SIGN UP TO RECEIVE NEWS UPDATES IN YOUR INBOX

Subscribe

* indicates required

Like BlackPressUSA on Facebook

Advertisement

Advertise on BlackPressUSA

advertise with blackpressusa.com

Latest News